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JOURNAL
OF THE
WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
VOLUME 382, 1942
KE es eee e, ae . if. fF Hae? ~~ a se” } 1ST, Sy, ~ ae oo fe bs i % y \ EF ag) Bi ,eg¥ 7 BOARD OF EDITORS RAYMOND J. SEEGER G. ARTHUR COOPER JASON R. SWALLEN GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM BUREAU OF PLANT INDUSTRY ASSOCIATE EDITORS W. EpwWARDs DEMING C. F. W. MuESEBECK PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY HaRALp A. REHDER Epwin Kirk BIOLOGICAL SOCIETY GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY CHARLOTTE ELLIOTT T. DALE STEWART BOTANICAL SOCIETY ANTHROPOLOLICAL SOCIETY
Horace S. ISBELL CHEMICAL SOCIETY
PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES 450 AHNAIP St.
AT MENASHA, WISCONSIN
ACTUAL DATES OF PUBLICATION, VOLUME 32
_ 1, pp. . 2, pp. 3; PD. . 4 pp: 5 . 125-156, May 16, 1942.
. 157-188, June 16, 1942.
. 189-220, July 17, 1942.
. 221-252, August 14, 1942.
; . 253-284, Sue 15, 1942. 10! pp. 285-320, October 28, 1942.
. 11, pp. 321-352, November 16. 1942. : 12, pp. 353-376, December 22, 1942.
1-32, January 24, 1942. 33-64, February 17, 1942. 65-92, March 14, 1942. 93-124, April 16, 1942.
ae es a ed ‘y _ } Peeve. 2). 4: January 15, 1942 No. 1
\
1 ‘ 7
_ WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
BOARD OF EDITORS
James H. Kempton _Raymonp J. SEEGER G. ArtHuR CooPER U. S. BUREAU OF PLANT INDUSTRY GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY U. 8S. NATIONAL MUSEUM
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Lewis V. JuDSON | Austin H. Ciarx PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY ie Haraup A, REHDER Epwin Kirx BIOLOGICAL SOCIETY : : GEOLOGICAL SOCINTY CHARLOTTE ELLiotTT T. DaLE STEWART BOTANICAL SOCIETY , } } ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY
Horace S. IsBEuu CHEMICAL SOCIETY
PUBLISHED MONTHLY
BY THE
MNS WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Me : 450 Aunarp Sr. AT MmNASHA, WISCONSIN
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JOURNAL
OF THE
WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
WoL. 32
ETHNOLOGY.—A scientific approach Lanham, Md.
Going fifty years ago from western New York to Liberia, and there observing the results of African colonization from the United States, was an experience that in retrospect appears very different from any noted in published accounts of African travel or racial history. The difference may be ascribed largely to the absence of pre- vious contacts, commitments, or teachings of a nature to affect, even unconsciously, the observation and study of racial characters and relations. A prolonged and intensive controversy had raged in the northern States before the Civil War, and echoed widely through the period of Reconstruc- tion, but it was possible in a rural commu- nity to grow up without acquiring any racial presumptions or knowing any Negroes. Visiting Africa with congenial associates was an opportunity that an interest in na- ture could not refuse.
Negroes in numbers were seen for the first time at Monrovia and in the settle- ments along the St. Paul River in -Decem- ber, 1891. Two widely contrasting groups were apparent, the civilized ‘“Liberians”’ and the primitive ‘“‘natives,”’ living in sepa- rate communities with the customs and conditions of the native life but little dis- turbed. A racial viewpoint was provided in advance, before the Liberian people were studied, or Negroes in our southern States. Several visits were made to Liberia, and subsequent contacts with the Cotton Belt extended through many years. <Agricul- tural explorations in several tropical and subtropical countries, Puerto Rieo, Haiti, Panama, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, Egypt, Palestine, and China afforded
1 Received May 10, 1941.
<. H A 4gA2 JAN 94
JANUARY 15, 1942
No. 1
to African colonization.'
O. F. Cook,
a basis of judgment regarding the status of Liberia.
Social elements must be admitted in ra- cial evaluations, since different ways of living may largely determine cultural devel- opment among primitive peoples. The African system of living in compact villages is a form of social organization that pro- vides only limited contacts between the children and the parents, and little oppor- tunity for experience to accumulate through successive generations, thus explaining the generally backward state of civilization among the natives of Africa. A few years after leaving Liberia I observed an essen- tially different system among primitive peoples in Central America, not living in villages but in scattered families. The two systems were described and contrasted in this JouRNAL, March 4, 1912, ‘“‘Definitions of Two Primitive Social States.”
It seems remarkable that the need of knowing the native life of the Negroes in Africa seldom is recognized. Only one author has been found, a writer of letters from San Domingo before the French Revolution, who reflected that knowledge of native con- ditions would be required in order to esti- mate fairly the hardships or privations suf- fered by the Negroes in slavery. Hundreds of foreign missionaries, of course, have lived among the African tribes and have re- counted incidents of native life, but rarely have they attempted to interpret the racial character or to project a racial future. Mis- sionaries in Liberia often are devoted en- tirely to the natives, with little or no inter- est in the civilized Liberians, descendants of the colonists who returned to Africa from the United States.
2 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
Colonization was a constructive effort in the field of race relations and had a back- ground of scientific interest at the period of inception. The field operations often were mismanaged and many difficulties arose from lack of knowledge of tropical economic plants and tropical diseases; also from inter- est being diverted by the sectional tensions that brought us to the Civil War. The numerical result of colonization must ap- pear insignificant, less than 20,000 civilized people scattered in small settlements along 300 miles of the African coast. Yet the Liberians have attained their principal ob- ject of escaping the racial tensions that often were felt acutely in the United States. They feel sure that their people never will be contented in America and that the pioneer effort in civilizing and developing the African home-land eventually will be followed and appreciated.
Thomas Jefferson and George Washing- ton were the traditional sponsors of the policy of colonization. Jefferson studied the racial problem from many sides, including the need of educating the more capable Negroes, in order that they might furnish the necessary skill and leadership for the new communities in Africa. Washington instructed his executors to provide such education for some of his freedmen. Many slaves and freedmen were educated during the early period of colonization and later were assisted in emigrating and establishing themselves in Liberia. The policy of forbid- ding the education of Negroes developed later, opposing the demand for immediate abolition and racial equality in the United States. The interest of Washington and Jefferson eventuated in the formation of the American Colonization Society, in December, 1816. The first president of the Society, elected in January, 1817, was Jus- tice Bushrod Washington of the Supreme Court, a nephew of George Washington.
VOL. 32, NO. 1
Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford of Georgia, and several other eminent statesmen were elected as vice- presidents.
Liberia has had its place on the map of Africa for more than a century, a challenge to historians to understand, explain, and evaluate the effort made and the experience gained in this unique colonial undertaking. Many historical or descriptive accounts of Liberia and the colonization movement have been written, but usually they disregard the basic interest that existed more than a cen- tury ago among both races in the southern States in working out a gradual and peace- ful emancipation of the slaves and restoring them to Africa on a civilized footing. The little book Liberia published in 1913 by Prof. Frederick Starr, of the University of Chicago, contains a detailed history of colonization and of resulting progress among the natives. A large, two-volume, richly illustrated work, Liberia, by Sir Harry Johnston, appeared in 1906.
In view of the possibility of an eventual return to the plan of resettlement of Ameri- can Negroes in Africa, the nature of the pioneer undertaking should be better known —how such an interest developed, what the settlements in Africa accomplished, what the limiting requirements proved to be, and whether these requirements could now be met. It was supposed that the colonization project would lapse completely with the Civil War, but small numbers of Negroes have continued to go to Liberia and several movements for large-scale resumption of colonization have occurred, showing that an underlying interest still exists. A recent proposal in the field of colonization is that of Senator Bilbo of Mississippi, presented in a speech before the first session of the Seventy-sixth Congress, April 24, 1939. Colonization appedrs much more feasible now than it was in the former century.
BOTANICAL FORERUNNERS OF COLONIZATION
Two tropical botanists of the eighteenth century, Aublet and Smeathman, were pre- sented in this JouRNAL, July 15, 1940, as pioneers against slavery. Although these
men have not figured in histories of the anti- slavery movement, they appear to have given the first scientific attention to African slavery as a racial problem, before the
Jan. 15, 1942
French Revolution affected colonial policies and brought the racial questions into politi- cal controversy. It is not without interest that the plan of repatriating the Negroes in Africa arose in the early period of scientific exploration of the Tropics.
Wadstrom’s monumental Hssay on coloni- zation, published in 1794, states that Smeathman was ‘‘the person who first pro- posed a specific plan for colonizing Africa, with a view to civilization.’”’ Wadstrom was a Swedish economist and had made a voy- age to Africa on a French vessel. He pro- jected an elaborate agricultural and com- mercial development that was expected to absorb the activities of the natives and thus put an end to the slave trade.
-Smeathman’s plan of repatriating Ne- groes from England or from America was developed after several years had been spent among the natives in the vicinity of Sierra Leone. Emancipation served as a military measure in the Revolutionary War, as later in the Civil War. Thousands of refugee Negroes had been sent from Vir- ginia, South Carolina, and Georgia to the West Indies in the war period, while several hundreds of destitute and distressed people had drifted to London. These were to form the colony at Sierra Leone, but Smeathman died before the expedition sailed, and the settlement soon was abandoned. Yet reports of the undertaking reached America and served at least as suggestions in developing the project of colonizing Negroes from the United States.
Wadstrom and many later historians overlooked a brief but significant paper on African colonization by Ferdinando Fair-
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION 3
fax, of Richmond, Va., that appeared in December, 1790, at Philadelphia in a short- lived pioneer journal of popular science and general literature, The American Museum or Universal Magazine. The statement by Fairfax provides a nexus between Smeath- man’s project at Sierra Leone and the de- velopment in the United States of the policy of returning the Negroes to Africa. No reference to this paper has been found, and it may not be accessible in many libraries. A photographic copy is reproduced in Fig. 1.
Although Smeathman was not mentioned by Fairfax, the statement that “England, not long since, made an experiment of this kind, which was found not to succeed”’ undoubtedly refers to the effort at Sierra Leone. The proposal to repeat the experi- ment in spite of the initial failure leaves no doubt of an underlying approval of the plan. Fairfax sensed the danger of tensions and conflicts arising from arguments addressed ‘rather to the feelings than to the cool de- liberate judgment.”
Letting the free Negroes go back to Africa prepared to live as civilized people appeared to Fairfax an acceptable solution of the racial problem. A failure of later generations to continue a project may not lessen the interest of the original suggestion. Return- ing the Negroes to Africa appeared before the Civil War as the only practicable alter- native of slavery, and many writers of the pre-War period rested in the belief that a practical solution would be worked out in Liberia. Daniel Webster and Abraham Lincoln looked to colonization as the even- tual adjustment.
SMEATHMAN A BOTANICAL EXPLORER
Aublet and Smeathman were botanical explorers, not actuated by the zeal of mis- sionaries or philanthropists but by the de- sire to see the plants and animals of the tropical countries and the human inhabi- tants as well. Earlier botanists, Plumier, Jacquin, and others, had discovered a new plant world in the West Indian Islands, but the forest floras of South America and Africa were still unknown. Adanson had
botanized in Senegal from 1749 to 1754, and even in the previous century a little plant material had come from the Gold Coast, but vast regions remained untouched. Aublet in Guinea and Smeathman in Sierra Leone collected hundreds of new plants, but their interest was not restricted to the herbarium specimens. Smeathman has distinction among entomologists for first describing the specialized castes and
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social habits of the African termites, a study that may have conduced to interest in hu- man adjustments. The date of Smeathman’s exploration given in the recently published Flora of West Tropical Africa, by Hutchin- son and Dalziel, is several years too late. ““SSmeathmann,”’ with the final letter doubled, is listed as ‘‘Agent—Conductor of the scheme for settling freed slaves at Free- town in 1787.” This is the date of the at- tempted colony and of Smeathman’s death, but his account of the termites was pub- lished in 1781, and his botanical collecting probably was done in the preceding decade.
mecordime to KR. H. Fox, m Dr. John Fothergill and his friends, Smeathman was engaged in 1771 to spend three years in- vestigating ‘‘the natural history and prod- ucts of Spain and the West Coast of Africa.” Fox states that Smeathman went later to the West Indies, and Smeathman says: “My stay in the West Indies was with a view to inform myself of tropical cultiva- tion, previous to my return to Africa.’ The range of scientific interest in the Fothergill coterie was remarkable. One of Fothergill’s friends was Peter Collinson, known to American botanists for supporting the ex- -plorations of the Bartrams.
Smeathman says that his plan of coloni- zation was based on ‘‘observations made in a 4 years residence,” doubtless referring to his stay in Africa, most of the time among the natives, learning their ways of living and working under the local conditions. The native foods and methods of produc- tion were considered, as well as the need of introducing crops from other countries. His views of the need and advantage of labor for continued health and enjoyment of life in tropical countries were far in advance of his time, or even of our present time, since traditional habits of social parasitism still vitiate our relations with other races. Smeathman seems to have been entirely free from the notion so prevalent in tropical countries, and doubtless of oriental origin, that physical labor is degrading and marks an inferior social caste. He says:
If I was to conduct this enterprise, I would
lift the first axe and the first hoe myself; and may say without vanity, since it is said from
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION 5
experience, set an example of labour and in- dustry in cultivation. For husbandry, far from being to me a drudgery, is the most delightful amusement. I attribute all the ex- treme good health I enjoyed by intervals in Africa, with the soundness of my constitution at this hour, to the hard labour I then sus- tained with infinite pleasure, often contem- plating with how much greater enjoyment I could labour, in prosecuting such an attempt of civilization. It would be our business to take not only the seeds common in the climates, but also all the seeds to be procured from warmer regions, of use in food or medicine. Our own hot-houses would furnish us with coffee, American indigo, aloes and other useful plants; and I should think the chocolate tree (theobroma cacao) might be procured. These are not indeed primary objects, but by the time they increase, will be very worthy of attention.
Much of the subsequent history might have been different if Smeathman had lived and made the experiment that he had in mind. With all their difficulties and fail- ures, the colonies planted at Sierra Leone and in Liberia may be said to have demon- strated that communities of civilized Ne- groes could be established in Africa, but the significance of these pioneer undertak- ings was overlooked in the period of inten- sive controversy. The death of Smeathman may be said to have aborted the project, in the absence of any successor with compar- able experience and insight. The later operations in the United States developed no leaders with scientific interest and tropi- cal experience that would qualify them as normal successors of Smeathman.
Smeathman’s plan may have been an echo or resumption of an earlier project by Fothergill as noted by Fox:
Fothergill joined with his friends in the moral crusade against slavery and all its works. His practical mind, ever seeking ways to rem- edy the ills of men, projected a scheme for settling a colony of freed negroes in Africa to cultivate the sugar-cane, and he was ready, it is said, to subscribe 10,000 pounds towards the expense. He received a letter, however, from Anthony Benezet of Philadelphia, one of the most enlightened advocates of the slave, in
6 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
1773, discouraging the plan: it was better, he thought, that the negroes should live together with whites in a mixed community.
White people were not excluded from Smeathman’s plan, or from Wadstrom’s extensive scheme, which had hundreds of prominent patrons. A large agricultural and
VOL. 32, NO. 1
commercial organization was planned in great detail. Wadstrom made an intensive study of the economic principles that should govern such undertakings, including precautions for preventing harmful specu- lation in “imaginary paper,” to keep his project from becoming another ‘‘South Sea Bubble.”’
BIOLOGY AND RACIAL STUDY
The biological sciences provide us with methods and experience in observing and taking account of diversity and also furnish the actual backgrounds of conditions of life as settings for our problems of human wel- fare and racial adjustments. Ethnology, the science of race, admittedly is a branch of biology, and the same will be true of sociol- ogy and economics as soon as these sciences are developed beyond the philosophic stage of abstract terms and formal distinctions.
A racial interest that is real and func- tional has to be a biological interest, a natural taste for seeing, appreciating, and understanding the diversities of nature. The complexity of biological facts places them beyond the range of merely verbal or ‘‘phil- osophical’’ minds, unaccustomed to obser- vation. Inferences are useful if they lead us to observe more closely, but not if they lead only to abstractions. Seeing what can be seen 1s the basic impulse of mental develop- ment. The dialectic philosophy of Plato and his successors 1s a serious impediment to science, as Bacon so clearly perceived. More general interest and understanding of plant and animal life is the best assurance of sub- stantial progress in the social or racial sciences.
The diversities of people are of a piece with the diversities of plants and animals, a part of the same creation. The diversity of
living forms and the complexity of the limit- ing factors are the most general and signifi- cant of all biological facts. We gain under- standing of life as we learn to appreciate and to take account of the infinite variety of adjustments made possible through diver- sity of form and function. Science is our effort to see clearly, which often is difficult, so that special precautions are required. Goethe gave us a general warning that “we see only what we know,” meaning that we have to become familiar with our facts before we reach the stage of effective vision. Casual observations and inferences may be thoroughly misleading, as often has oc- curred in the racial controversies.
Naturalists have a basic social function in extending our view of the living world. Not only the facts that science substanti- ates, but also the careful tentative methods of scientific study, must be more widely diffused in order to be appreciated and ap- plied by a far larger proportion of the gen- eral public, before we may hope to deal con- structively with our human relations. The most important applications of the biologi- cal sciences in racial welfare are in the na- ture of community undertakings and re- quire full understanding by the functioning personnel as the basis of effective coopera- tion.
IS SCIENCE ALOOF FROM RACIAL PROBLEMS?
The charge of science holding aloof from human interests is echoed frequently in the discussion of racial relations. Problems of public information are vastly more difficult in fields of thought that have suffered from controversy, but to say that science eschews
controversy may not be an adequate de- fense in an age of revolution. Controversies are said to prove nothing, but they show | that facts are obscure or deficient. Neglect- ing to bring a significant fact to public attention, leaving it concealed and disre-
JAN. 15, 1942 garded in “‘technical literature,’ may ap- pear even more culpable from a standpoint of social responsibility than a failure to make original investigations.
Science may need to admit a responsible function in popular knowledge. The actual state of public opinion or belief regarding any field of knowledge is a fact that science may determine and report. Freedom of con- troversy is abused when ascertained facts are disregarded or misrepresented in a man- ner to misinform the public. A traditional assumption has been that scientific facts may be left to speak for themselves, but often they are smothered by ‘‘the natural conservatism of all professional people.” Important discoveries may lie dormant for many years, like Mendel’s reports of his basic experiments in heredity. A published record may establish priority among scien- tific specialists, but may not be an adequate defense at the bar of social responsibility.
The spirit of controversy is repugnant to science because controversy deals with ar- guments rather than with facts, and be- cause language is perverted, so that custom- ary forms of expression become too mislead- ing for scientific use. Thus scientific study is impeded or even inhibited during a period of intensive controversy. The entire field of racial thought was devastated during the last century to an extent that is hardly to be appreciated. But by going back to earlier writers it is possible to see that racial dif- ferences were observed and noted like other biological facts, without being complicated by the controversial intrusions of later periods.
The small paper relating to Aublet was noticed in Science News Letter of October 6, 1940, in a manner to show how the tradi- tions of the antislavery crusade carry for- ward to the present day, even in the field of scientific reporting. Aublet had been pre- sented as an early example of an interest in human welfare on the part of a scientific explorer, hidden in an old book of technical botany that no conventional historian would be expected to consult. The scientific inter- est of this early reaction to slavery was com- pletely sidetracked in Science News Letter by dressing Aublet in the conventional
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION Z
character of the petulant reformer, instant in protest: ‘‘His writings contain in addition to the customary Natural History descrip- tions and travel notes, frequent references of strong disapproval of the institution of negro slavery. He opposed the system, not only because of its inhumanity to the blacks, but because of the deterioration in character it brought about in the white owners and overseers.”
This is not Aublet’s attitude, but an echo of the antislavery controversy, with the subversive implication that social reforms are possible only through sanguinary strug- gles, as with the many writers who assume that our Civil War was necessary. “It need- ed a great war and the convulsion of the nation to establish their principles in the mind of the majority.’’ A false philosophy of revolution is implied in this theory of social progress requiring intensive agitation by militant minorities, disregarding the scientific outlook to wider understanding of our human nature and the world we live in, “the increase and diffusion of knowl- edge.’ Progress means more understanding, not more irritation.
Aublet was a reformer, but not an agita- tor. If he had a scientific sense of social responsibility it extended in the case that was cited only to placing on record an opin- ion reached through observation of Negro slaves in the French colonies, that they were people of peaceable temperament who for colonial purposes did not need to be held in slavery, which was proved by later events. Aublet’s four volumes on the plants of French Guiana, although titled as His- towre, are not a work of ‘‘natural history” in our modern sense, but of formal Latin and French descriptions of genera and spe- cies, hundreds of engraved plates, and thousands of drawings of structural details. Travel notes are not interspersed, nor are there protests against “the institution of negro slavery,” an expression of later usage. The separate short chapter of ‘‘Observa- tions on the Slave Negroes” is not contro- versial, and nobody is denounced. Aublet, Smeathman, Jefferson, and Fairfax were strongly opposed to slavery but sought understanding and constructive courses.
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VOL. 32, NO. 1
JEFFERSON’S APPEAL TO “NATURAL HISTORY’’
The charge of science neglecting racial questions is not new, since it was rather directly implied in Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia written in 1781. It seemed to Jefferson that science should be able to give more definite answers to questions that even then were being debated from widely different standpoints:
To our reproach it must be said, that though for a century and a half we have had under our eyes the races of black and of red men, they have never yet been viewed by us as subjects of natural history. I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether origi- nally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind. It is not against experience to suppose, that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. Will not a lover of natural his- tory then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philoso- phy, excuse an effort to keep those in the de- partment of man as distinct as nature has formed them. This unfortunate difference of colour, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates, while they wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature are anxious also to preserve its dignity and beauty. Some of these, embarrassed by the question ‘What further is to be done with them?” join themselves in opposition with those who are actuated by sordid avarice only. Among the Romans emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master. But with us a second is necessary, unknown to history. When freed, he is to be removed be- yond the reach of mixture.
Although Jefferson in another place refers to the slave population as ‘‘this blot in our country,’ the system of slavery was in mind, not the racial color. The context re- lates to a law passed by the Legislature of Virginia to prohibit further importation of slaves. ‘‘This will in some measure stop the increase of this great political and moral
evil, while the minds of our citizens may be ripening for a complete emancipation of our human nature.” Few writers, if any, with equal interest and opportunity of critical observation, have placed on record higher estimates of Negro ability and char- acter. The charge of pilfering is explained and excused, while essential moral qualities are recognized:
Whether further observation will or will not verify the conjecture, that nature has been less bountiful to them in the endowments of the head, I believe that in those of the heart she will be found to have done them justice. That disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their situa- tion, and not to any depravity of the moral sense. The man, in whose favor no laws of property exist, probably feels himself less bound to respect those made in favor of others.
Notwithstanding these considerations which must weaken their respect for the laws of property, we find among them numerous instances of the most rigid integrity, and as many as among their better instructed mast- ers, of benevolence, gratitude, and unshaken fidelity. The opinion, that they are inferior in the faculties of reason and imagination, must be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general conclusion, requires many ob- servations, even where the subject may be submitted to the anatomical knife, to optical glasses, to analysis by fire, or by solvents.
Moral qualities are found among Negroes, and mental abilities as well, beyond any development that could be expected from the usual exercise of such qualities in the native life of Africa, limited as it is by the universal village system. The Negroes had had no experience with our institutions of property. The ability of the race is much greater than its native attainments would indicate. Regarding the moral abilities being better developed than the mental abilities, the opposite opinion was strongly stated to me by Gen. 8. C. Armstrong, from his ex- tensive experience at Hampton Institute. Such questions obviously would be affected by opportunities of exercising and mani-
JAN. 15, 1942
festing the various abilities.
Jefferson saw that statistical study, as we now say, would be required as the basis of general conclusions on the nature and ex- tent of the racial differences, rather than rare examples of special talent, although he was interested in these. He considered Benjamin Banneker, the ‘Negro Astrono- mer,” as an authentic example of Negro ability, “the son of a black man born in Africa and a black woman born in the United States, who is a very respectable mathematician.’”’ This was in 1791, in a letter to Condorcet transmitting an almanac that Banneker had prepared while em- ployed at the instance of Jefferson “‘in lay- ing out the new Federal City on the Potomac.”’ But in writing to Joel Barlow in 1809 Jefferson reflects that Banneker doubt-
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION 9
less was prompted by Ellicot ‘““‘who was his neighbor and friend, and never missed an opportunity of puffing him. I have a long letter from Banneker which shows him to have had a mind of very common stature indeed.’”? Many other Jefferson letters touched on different phases of the racial problem and showed the same scientific avoidance of general conclusions, unless supported by facts of common knowledge. Thus Jefferson refers to racial crossing, but not in the manner of those who look to an ultimate fusion as a solution of the racial problem. ‘‘The improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been ob- served by everyone, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their conditions of life.”
GENOLYTIC HYBRIDS
The slower progress of ethnology on the side of genetics is shown in racial crossing still being debated on traditional lines, with no account taken of a fact now widely known among biologists, that later genera- tions of hybrid plants and animals often differ profoundly from the first generation. Even where the first generation of a hybrid stock is uniform, and regularly exceeds the parental types in vigor and productiveness, the later generations may show a wide range of diversity, including many sterile or otherwise abnormal individuals, some re- sembling the first generation, but few equal to the original parents. Diversity and de- terioration continue in successive genera- tions, even where selection for desirable characters is applied.
This phenomenon of deterioration in later generations of hybrid stocks has received less attention than would be expected, pos- sibly because no distinctive name has been suggested. The term genolytic would be ap- propriate for this class of hybrids, uniform and fertile in the first generation, but di- verse and degenerate in the later genera- tions, as if the mechanism of heredity had become loose-jointed and only partially effective. The diversity is not limited to the range between the parental differences, but
often is extraparental, a fact recognized in 1909 in Bureau of Plant Industry Bulletin 147, Suppressed and intensified characters in cotton hybrids. Genolytic bovine hy- brids were described in the American Naturalist for April, 1913, ‘“Mendelism and Interspecific Hybrids.’ Genolytic cotton hybrids were illustrated in the Journal of Heredity for February, 1915, ‘‘T'wo Classes of Hybrids.’’ Mendelian alternative inheri- tance of various contrasting characters is shown, of course, in all such hybrids and has received attention, but the genolytic diversity is a fact of even greater signifi- cance in racial crossing and is in need of separate study.
Under the former theory of blended in- heritance it was supposed that the racial mixtures eventually would reach a stage of intermediate uniformity in all their charac- ters, but now it is known that the racial crosses yield patchwork populations through many generations. The extent of racial crossing in the United States often is greatly overestimated on account of a popu- lar belief that the only unmixed people are very black, with the skin as dark as the hair. In reality most of the natives of the interior of Liberia and the neighboring regions are brown rather than black, and often rather
10 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
light. Only rare individuals among the Liberian natives are black like the Congo
VOL. 32, NO. 1
people, a few of whom were settled in Liberia, from captured slave-ships.
AUBLET AND JEFFERSON
Aublet’s assay of the racial temperament of the Negroes as quiet, kindly people evi- denced a deeper insight than was attained by many others who sought to interpret the Negro character. Even to Thomas Jefferson it seemed reasonable to ascribe the atroci- ties of the revolution in Haiti to racial ani- mosity, without considering what the mobs had done in Paris, or the suicidal perfidies of Bonaparte and Le Clerc, or Rocham- beau’s despairing resort to Schrecklichkeit. The peaceful history of Liberia should figure in the racial reckoning, as well as the san- guinary history of Haiti.
The effect of slavery on the white people was the critical fact with Aublet, without irrelevant debate on the loss or gain to the Negroes. Jefferson saw the social lesions of slavery as clearly as Aublet, and his state- ment is more specific:
There must doubtless be an unhappy in- fluence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imi- tate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the linea- ments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such cir- cumstances. ... With the morals of the people,
their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God?
Thus with Jefferson as with Aublet, the question did not turn primarily on the Negroes being inferior, or being badly treated, but on slavery as a social institu- tion. Jefferson saw that the manners and minds of his people were affected uncon- sciously by the keeping of slaves, even as John Woolman had observed. The North did not know the Negroes, and the South was not aware of being affected by the Negroes. Both sections may learn eventu- ally what their forefathers overlooked. Charles Francis Adams, second of that name, a grandson of John Quincy Adams, speaking at the University of South Caro- lina in 1913, formally recanted the belief of New England abolitionists in political equality and race absorption: ‘In this all- important respect I do not hesitate to say we theorists and abstractionists of the North, throughout that long anti-slavery discussion which ended with the 1861 clash of arms, were thoroughly wrong.”
Slavery as a social institution could not be defended, but emphasis on the wrongs and hardships of the Negroes carried the issue to debatable ground. “The basis of abolition is the wrongs of the Negro through slavery.’”’ Advantages for the Negroes could be urged with all who admitted a missionary responsibility for bringing “‘savages”’ out of heathenism. Jefferson, because he had deeper convictions of democracy than any other statesman, could feel a more radical aversion, and sought by every means to— remove such an obstacle to the development of free institutions in the United States.
Jan. 15, 1942
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION tt
AN INHIBITORY SOCIAL SYSTEM
Smeathman’s account of the native people near Sierra Leone is in line with Jefferson’s call for biological study of the racial characters. Features of native polity that bore upon the question of establishing civilized communities were noted by Smeath- man, and he was led to believe that no serious interference need be expected, as proved by later experience. Settlements were made among many native tribes in Sierra Leone and Liberia, not in all cases without friction, but on the whole with little difficulty, showing that this aspect of the native character had been correctly judged. It was observed that the native polity was based on slavery, and that it tended in several ways to limit development. ‘‘Hence it is evident that their government is neither calculated to promote the happiness, nor the increase of the community.”
Jefferson noted as a limiting factor of so- cial organization among the Indians ‘‘their having never submitted themselves to any laws, any coercive power, any shadow of gov- ernment,” a state of mind with which he sym- pathized. “It will be said, that great societies cannot exist without government. The sav- ages therefore break them into small ones.”
Smeathman was aware that the attain- ments of the African race were not a just measure of its ability and looked forward to a study of the factors that determined the exercise and development of ability, beyond merely physical conditions. ‘‘Whatever may be said of effects of local situations and the extremes of heat and cold, it probably will be found hereafter that all men, in their dis- positions and conduct of life, are formed more by artificial than by natural causes— in short, by custom and habit.’’ The power of custom and habit is firmly embedded in the native African system of living in compact villages, which plainly tends to restrict the mental development of the chil- dren, on account of the slight contacts with the parents. The waking hours of childhood are spent mostly with other children, run- ning about in little squads, only casually associated with parents or elders.
The alternative system of social organi- zation, the children fully associated with their parents, living in separate families scattered upon the land, is exemplified among primitive people in tropical America, as already stated. Terms were suggested in the paper published in 1912 to carry the dis- tinction between the two social systems, sympedic for the African system with the children herding together and choripedic for the American system with the children re- maining apart. The children are socialized prematurely under the African system, while in America they develop as members of family groups. The village system has the social effect of restricting cultural progress, so that the racial carry-over and accumula- tion of experience does not extend to the stage of civilization.
Neither the arts of civilized life nor the outlook on life that we call consciousness are attained under the African village sys- tem, only a state of perennial childhood. George Santayana, Plato of our present day, says that “‘society itself is an accident to the spirit,’’ but this is because we have not perceived the genetic relation of the parental contacts. The conscious mind is a social attainment, a structure formed by gradual accretion of experience through the overlapping generations, like a coral reef building up to the ocean level, not a sudden magical growth like Jack’s beanstalk reach- ing the sky. Limiting the individual devel- opment limits the racial development. The social system of the native Africans is es- sentially self-limiting. Smeathman observed that the natives have ‘‘a very singular juris- prudence ... which renders improvement unacceptable to the public, and ingenuity dangerous to the possessor.’’ Contacts with civilization have largely removed these limitations, as one appreciates in knowing personally a capable, cultured, considerate, thoughtful man, like Arthur Barclay, after- ward President of Liberia. The prompt return of civilized Negroes to barbarism, predicted by many writers, has not occurred, either in Liberia or in Haiti.
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VOL. 32, No. 1
JEFFERSON AND FAIRFAX
The paper by Fairfax may be considered as a sequel of Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, reported to have been written in 1781 but not issued in America till 1787. Objections to slavery were strongly stated and several vivid passages might seem to be ‘‘addressed rather to the feelings than to the cool and deliberate judgment’’ which Fairfax sought. Jefferson was not uncon- scious of writing with heat against slavery. “Tt is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various con- siderations of policy, of morals, of history —natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one’s mind.” Yet Jefferson wished to avoid needless offense and may have delayed publication on this account. A small edition of the ‘‘Notes” was privately printed in France in 1784 or 1785, but Jefferson re- fused to have his “strictures on slavery” issued separately, ‘‘at least till I know whether their publication would do most harm or good.”
Jefferson recognized the need of the races being separated and outlined a policy of gradual emancipation, education, and col- onization of the Negroes, but leaving the location indefinite, except that ‘“‘transpor- tation to Africa” was suggested for ‘‘slaves guilty of offences.’’ It remained for Fairfax to combine Jefferson’s policy with Smeath- man’s plan, and to perceive the underlying interest to the Negroes of coming again into contact with their own people, and of being thus enabled to appreciate and extend the civilization which they had acquired during their sojourn in America. To believe what American Negroes often are told, that they have been deprived of a valuable racial culture, is a mistake that is hardly to be
corrected except by direct knowledge of native life in Africa.
A limited circulation of the Fairfax paper may be inferred from the absence of any reference in The Virginian history of Afri- can colonization, by Rev. P. Slaughter, pub- lished at Richmond in 1855, a work that stresses the value of colonization as a mis- sionary enterprise, and even the value of slavery as a training in civilization. ‘‘Africa gave to Virginia a savage and a slave, Vir- ginia gives back to Africa a citizen and a Christian.’’ The entire credit of the coloni- zation project is claimed by Slaughter for Virginia. “If any scheme of policy is thor- oughly Virginian, it is the scheme of African colonization.”’ This claim would have had additional support from the interest of Fairfax as a member of the family distin- guished for its association with George Washington.
The title of the paper by Fairfax, ‘‘Plan for Liberating the Negroes within the United States,” is somewhat misleading, since the return of the Negroes to Africa is an essential feature. In reality it was a plan for abolishing slavery in the United States through the resettlement of the Negroes in Africa. A scientific character may be claimed for a consistent effort like that of Fairfax to understand a complex and difficult prob- lem. The paper is short, of nearly the same wordage as the Declaration of Independ- ence, and gives an impression of the policy of African colonization as fairly ‘‘thought through.’’ Words may be said to “‘erystal- lize thought” if they bring the essential facts vividly before us. ‘‘The great quality of the mind is finality,’ by which it was possible for the Declaration of Independ- ence to create a new allegiance.
COLONIZATION AND THE CIVIL WAR
The plan of education, colonization, and gradual emancipation, as outlined by Jeffer- son in the Notes on Virginia, would not have led the nation to the disaster of the Civil War. The judgment of history is chal- lenged when a policy devised by a states- man like Jefferson is disregarded. No other
subject appears to have had more of his attention than the racial problem. What other statesman was more scientific, or constructive, or devoted to human welfare? “The effectiveness of a social objective lies in the methods employed to achieve it and not in its noble intentions.”
Jan. 15, 1942
Jefferson’s plan of colonization included the suggestion ‘‘to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white inhabitants.”’ The alterna- tive course was considered: “‘It will probably be asked, ‘why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state, and thus save the expense of supplying by importation of white settlers the vacancies they will leave?’ ”’ To Jefferson it appeared that this course was not practicable. He was con- vineed that the two races should not be monegrelized, that they would not be recon- ciled to each other, and that they eventually would need to be separated, which coloni- zation would bring about.
But Americans of that period would not let the Negroes go back to Africa. Aboli- tionists condemned colonization as in league with slavery, sectional feeling be- came more inflamed, and the youth of the Nation was sacrificed. Millions of new im- migrants were brought from Europe to re- place that “lost generation,” the wives they would have married, and the families of pioneer children they would have raised. Instead of replacing the Negroes as Jeffer- son had proposed, we destroyed one an-
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION 13
other. No question in America today is more in need of critical attention than our racial relations, not for emergency reasons, but because the racial questions occasion a general confusion of thought in our national problems. The only escape is by way of better understanding and of finding con- structive courses.
The sacrifice to sectional feeling in the Civil War confers no permanent immunity from social disorders. Tensions now are being generated by the system of tenant farming, which is one of the sequels of slavery and emancipation, a form of ‘‘near- slavery” that incidentally replaced direct ownership. Slavery as a legal institution has been discarded, but commercial and indus- trial exploitations of backward or depend- ant people are reckoned as legitimate. Our ‘“advanced”’ nations are destroying each other in a struggle for control of primitive peoples as producers of raw materials and customers for manufactured goods, in order to support our competing industrial sys- tems. Eventually it may be seen that all the forms of social parasitism are self-limiting and dysgenic, as slavery proved to be.
THE BIRACIAL PROSPECT
A large population of free Negroes “form- ing a separate interest from the rest of the community” was foreseen by Fairfax as a social and political danger. The separation of the races was considered necessary by Jefferson and all the “founding fathers,” including Abraham Lincoln, for two essen- tial reasons, one biological, to avoid mon- grelizing, the other social, to avoid the con- dition of “separate interest” that gradually has developed and is now being recognized in textbooks of sociology in describing the United States as ‘a biracial nation.” Bi- racial is a recent word, dating from 1922 in the Supplement of the Oxford Dictionary, “Belgium is bilingual and biracial.’
Efforts to avoid biracialism may be traced far back. Economic dependency among the free Negroes attracted attention even in the eighteenth century. Statistics were collected showing more frequent crimes
and diseases than among the slaves, and on these grounds several States passed laws regulating the emancipation of slaves, or excluding free Negroes. “‘It has ever been the policy of Virginia to allow the master to free the slave. But since 1806 her laws have required all slaves thereafter manu- mitted, to leave the Commonwealth.” Pennsylvania had a law requiring a bond to be executed, to protect the community from freedmen becoming public charges. Competition of free Negroes with white labor also was opposed by various expedi- ents, sharply protested by abolitionists, as William Jay in 1835. ‘‘The laws of Ohio against the free blacks are peculiarly de- testable, because not originating from the fears and prejudices of slave-holders. Not only are the blacks excluded in that State from the benefit of public schools, but with a refinement of cruelty unparalleled they
14 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
are doomed to idleness and poverty, by a law which renders a white man who em- ploys a colored one to labor for him for one hour liable for his support through life. By a late law of Maryland, a free Negro coming into the State, is hable to a fine of fifty dollars for every week he remains in it. If he cannot pay the fine, he is sold.” Colonization often was urged as a means of avoiding these economic obstacles to the emancipation of the slaves.
The conclusion reached in South Africa, from intensive study and experience with
THE WHITE
Some of the underlying difficulties, not recognized when colonization was pro- jected, may be appreciated by taking ac- count of facts determined since the work began. Sierra Leone very early became known as ‘““The White Man’s Grave,” and other regions of the West Coast shared the same evil fame. The climate of West Africa was considered ‘‘deadly”’ to the European race, until it was found, near the end of the last century, that malaria and yellow fever were carried by mosquitoes.
Few white people have been able to live and work in Liberia or other parts of West Africa long enough to be practically useful. Most of them did not survive the prelimi- nary period of becoming accustomed to the tropical life and gaining the experience that is necessary to deal with the local condi- tions. The effective field work was done largely by Negroes, Paul Cuffy, John Kizzel, Lot Carey and Elijah Johnson, father of President Hilary Johnson. The assistance that was needed from white men, as foreseen by Smeathman and Fairfax, could be furnished to only a slight extent. The same mortality was encountered in missionary undertakings. ‘“‘Let thousands fall, but Africa be redeemed.”
A medical discovery that may have great importance is reported recently from South America, a simple and effective method of immunizing against yellow fever. This dis- ease, although not definitely recognized in Africa until the present century, probably has been the most serious hazard of life and
VOL. 32, No. 1
the racial problems, is that neither race is advantaged by its contacts with the other race. The exploitive relations tend to de- terioration, since both races are deprived and inhibited. Limiting the range of ac- tivity for one race also establishes a limita- tion for the other race. Social parasitism is a condition of adverse selection, and is es- sentially antiracial. Measures of gradual separation are being attempted under the policy of “‘trusteeship” or ‘‘indirect rule,”’ reviewed in the Journal of Heredity, May 1930, ‘‘Race Segregation in South Africa.”
MAN’S GRAVE
progress. The malaria of West Africa is a severe ‘‘pernicious” type, with symptoms so closely parallel to those of yellow fever that the two diseases were not distinguished. The Negro colonists from America suffered severely, and many died.
Members of the European race often lived only a few days or a few weeks after landing in Africa, although a few survived for many years and remained vigorous. Frequent replacements were the rule in colonial governments and commercial agen- cies along the West Coast. In the face of such hazards, merely living from day to day could be felt as an achievement, lending a ‘“‘charm”’ to life in Africa, which some pre- ferred, declaring England or Germany ‘‘too dull.”
Liberia is a pleasant land, and its climate is better than in many tropical countries, the daily maximum often not exceeding 90° F., and seldom above 93°, moderated in the dry season by the “‘harmattan”’ winds from the north. Mosquitoes generally are scarce in Liberia, screening precautions are not difficult, and in many districts simple measures of drainage or grading may give complete protection. The natives had par- tial protection by clearing all vegetation from the sites of their villages and keeping fires all night in the houses. Explorers seem to have better health than missionaries or merchants, perhaps from being more vig- orous men and taking more exercise, which doubtless facilitates dermal excre- tion.
Jan. 15, 1942
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION ty
AFRICA A DENUDED CONTINENT
The notion of tropical Africa as in a “virgin state’ of unexploited agricultural resources is entirely fallacious. Primitive agriculture has been practiced for long pe- riods and has altered profoundly the natural condition of the plant world. Most of the forests are secondary growths, on land that has been denuded and abandoned after long periods of repeated clearing and burning. The same is true of other tropical regions, in America and in Malaysia. Doubtless Africa had in the prehuman period a com- plete forest cover, even of great areas that now are deserts, grasslands or ‘‘open bush.” The former presence of woody vegetation would account for the Sahara and the Arabian Desert not being provided with a true desert flora of plants adapted to open conditions, such as the cacti, Agave, Euphor- bia, Mesembryanthemum, or Stapelia, that have developed in the American deserts and in South Africa. The mountains of tropical Africa have highly specialized plants on the slopes above the forests. Forest vegetation forming a canopy of shade adjacent to naked desert is shown in a recent work by L. M. Nesbitt, Hell-hole of creation, 1931, describing the Abyssinian Danakil, a region of extreme conditions with many districts not inhabited.
The original tropical forests, when such areas are found, have specialized plants that are tolerant of shade, but this undergrowth flora is entirely exterminated when the forest is destroyed and is only slowly re- placed in secondary growth. The tropical forests also have specialized faunas of milli- peds, insects, and other small animals that live on the surface or in the humus layer of the forest soil, but not in forests of recent growth. With repeated clearing and burning the humus layer is removed and the sterile subsoil exposed. Trees give place to stunted bushes, and eventually the stage of open
fire-swept grass lands is reached, which sets a limit to the primitive system of agricul- ture, as explained in the Smithsonian Re- port for 1919, ‘‘Milpa Agriculture, a Primi- tive Tropical System.”
Among pastoral peoples grasslands are utilized and denudation may be carried to the stage of complete desert. Goats and camels may destroy not only the grass but also the woody vegetation. Recent studies show that the desert of Sahara is advancing rather rapidly to the southward, in the French and British colonies. An active denudation of a densely inhabited district was witnessed 70 years ago in the interior of Liberia. Benjamin Anderson, a Liberian explorer, reached the Mandingo country in 1869, and wrote a report, A journey to Musardu, the capital of the Western Mandin- goes, which was published by his backers in New York, Henry M. Schieffelin and Caleb Swan.
Referring to a locality called Vuccah or Yukkah, Anderson says: ‘““At Mahommadu, the south-east slope strikes the plain at a great angle; but at Vukkah, it rests upon a series of small table-lands that extend out a half-mile before they finally come down into the plains. The vast spaces of grass and reddish soil are relieved by patches of dense vegetation, marking the gullies and ravines. Heavy blocks of granite are set in the sides of the Vukkah hills, awaiting only to be loosened by the rains to roll from their places to the bottom. At night, the whole country seems on fire, from the burning of the grass.”’ Anderson in 1868 found at Boporu a large native town estimated at 3,000 people, and several adjacent towns, or a total estimate of 10,000 for the district. Thirty years later the site of Boporu, visited by the writer in April 1892, was a grassy expanse entirely uninhabited.
PERMANENT AGRICULTURE WITH TREE CROPS
The alternative of continued erosion and denudation in tropical countries is a general change from annual short-season crops to
permanent tree crops. A vast range of food products is obtainable from trees, and eventually it may be considered that tillage
16 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
agriculture, required for the annual field crops, is out of place in the tropics. A few of the tree crops, those that furnish commer- cial products, are widely known, while others have only local use and many po- tentially valuable species are still to be domesticated, as the several different trees that produce rubber.
A permanent soil cover is made possible where tree crops are grown, with no occa- sion for plowing, weeding, or cultivating. Sloping lands are promptly injured by ex- posure of the soil surface, especially in re-
gions of heavy rainfall. The native African.
agriculture moves every year to a new clearing, oftén at a distance from the pre- vious “farm.” Only field or garden crops are planted, rice, sesame, and others, most of them ripening in a few weeks. Cassava and bananas continue bearing for several months, and remnants may be gleaned for two or three seasons, until the plants are completely smothered by ‘“‘the bush.”’
Ini various parts of Africa the natives made extensive use of edible fruits of forest trees, or of oil extracted from the seeds, but
TROPICAL PLANT
Developing permanent systems of tree- crop agriculture is a vast undertaking in the field of plant introduction and experimental study. Hundreds of different kinds of trees furnish food and other useful products in tropical countries. Many years will be re- quired for each series of experiments with tree crops and many decades or even cen- turies may elapse before such a project can be far advanced, although even slight prog- ress may be valuable.
In each country the native tree crops, if any, should be utilized as far as possible and studied carefully as standards for com- paring with introduced trees, in cultural behavior or in economic utility. The wealth of potential tree crops may be judged by noting the range of possibilities in the single group of palms. Starch is obtainable from Metroxylon and Caryota; sugar from Arenga, Caryota, Borassus, Phoenix, Jubaea, and many others; edible oils from numerous kinds, as Cocos} Elaeis, Attalea, and Oeno-
VOL. 32, NO. 1
no tree crops were domesticated, since this is feasible only among people settled per- manently on the same land. The natives of America allowed many useful trees, as sapotes, sapodillas, avocados, bread-nuts, anonas, and chirimoyas, to grow around their settlements, but only cacao in Guate- mala and coca in the valleys of the eastern Andes appear to have reached the stage of commercial cultivation. Date palms, olives, and figs were the traditional tree crops of the Mediterranean region.
Under the African system of agriculture relatively small populations can be sup- ported. If people become numerous larger forest clearings must be made, the forest area is more rapidly exhausted, and crops become more precarious. Villages may move to other districts, or the people may scatter and starve in a season of famine. The problem of colonization in Africa is not to replace the native tribes, but to replace the destructive methods of primitive agri- culture and create conditions of permanent production from tree crops.
INTRODUCTION
carpus; edible fruits from Phoenix, Guili- elma, Butia, Hyphaene, and Mauritia; fibers from Raphia, Attalea, Astrocaryum, and Mauritia; and vegetable ivory from Phytelephas, Palandra, Coelococcus, and Hyphaene. Although no other order of plants may promise such utility as the palms, tree crops probably can be found to replace many of the tillage crops, if not all. Smeathman’s proposed introduction of cacao may seem prophetic, since cacao is the first of the commercial tree crops to be adopted by native Africans and carried to large-scale production, competing with America and Asia. The future of Liberia, as of other ‘“‘undeveloped”’ tropical countries, to a great extent will be determined by the introduction of tree crops from other re- gions. Tropical trees are localized to a re- markable extent, both the wild and the cultivated kinds, except the few commercial species that have been widely distributed.
The slave trade provided early communi- >
Jan. 15, 1942
cation between Brazil and West Africa, and many plant introductions took place in that period. America was rich in food plants, while Africa was poor. With the single ex- ception of the sorghums, all the important food crops of Africa are supposed to have been introduced—tice, taro, and bananas, from Asia; cassava, maize, tobacco, pine- apple, peanuts, and many others, from America. Even the so-called ‘‘African oil palm,” Elaezs guineensis, probably was in- troduced from Brazil to the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa.
The most serious difficulties of coloniza- tion may not lie in introducing or develop- ing new products, but in readjustments of customs and habits, notably those relating to food, which have a special, instinctive inertia. The introduction of a potentially valuable new crop may be entirely ineffec- tive if people will not use it. The difficulty of inducing the French people to use the potato, and their refusal during the World War to eat any of our Indian corn, are familiar examples. The bread-fruit tree and the “‘African”’ oil-palm were introduced to the West Indies in the eighteenth century for feeding the slaves, but they were not
COOK: AFRICAN COLONIZATION iui
adopted. Some of the colonists in Liberia preferred to starve rather than eat cassava. People usually can be inducted to taste an unfamiliar food, and readily give an adverse opinion. Only a few are tolerant to the ex- tent of making a practical test. Diversified agriculture and varied diet are the modern ideals recently enforced from the knowledge of vitamins.
In view of the many needs of special knowledge and training, capable American Negroes may go to Africa, not as outcasts or refugees, but as participants in a vast progressive undertaking, nothing less than a reconstruction of the African Continent. The widest expanses of livable land in the entire world are in Africa, now largely de- nuded and lying waste but capable of being reclaimed and utilized in permanent pro- duction. Liberia may be made what it originally was intended to be, a center of progress in the arts of civilized life. All the special talent that can be developed among the Negroes of America, in agriculture, biology, chemistry, conservation, sanita- tion, medicine, dietetics, or other sciences,
may be used constructively.
18 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
VOL. 32, NO. 1
BIOPHYSICS.— Effect of temperature and time on the x-ray sensitivity of maize
seeds.’ U.S. Bureau of Plant Industry.
Temperatures of dry maize seeds? during the time of x-irradiation determine, to a certain extent, the size and number of sur- viving seedlings. Maximum x-ray sensitivity occurs for temperatures within the range 0°C. to about 25°C. ; values extending either above or below this range produce a greater resistance to x-rays; this includes cooling by
Louis R. Maxwe tu, J. H. Kempron, and VERNon M. MosLey,
the use of liquid air and heating to 66°C. The present investigation is concerned with simultaneity between temperature and x-irradiation, determined by heating or cooling before, during, or after irradiation. Time also may be a factor influencing re- covery.
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE AND RESULTS
Descriptions of the x-ray apparatus, dos- age chamber, procedures for cooling, heat- ing, and growing the seeds are covered by earlier papers.? Exposure times used for ir- radiation, heat treatments, and cold treat- ments were from 43 to 53 hours. The seeds were always placed on the same metal sur- face during exposure to the x-rays to insure a constant amount of back-scattering. The seed stock was taken from a large, carefully mixed lot of Funk Yellow Dent that had been stored at 2—4°C. A constant dosage of 35 kr? at 45 kv was used throughout in order to produce a high percentage of delayed deaths* at room temperature. - Seedling heights were recorded every 48 hours fol- lowing germination, and any plants that failed to increase in height between the second and third measurement were con- sidered dead. Height measurements were frequently continued to insure correctness of the number of dead and living plants. Mean heights reported are averages of height measurements of both living and dead plants taken on a given date, usually the third measurement. Not unexpectedly, however, it has been found that the number of survivors depends upon the growing con- ditions in the greenhouse. In some eases a dosage of 35 kr will result in the delayed
* Received August 28, 1941.
? MaxweELL, Louis R., and J. H. Kempron. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci. 29: 368. 1939.
Kempton, J. H., and Louis R. MaxwEtt. Journ. Agr. Res. 62: 603. 1941.
’ kr is the abbreviation for a unit of dosage, the kilo-roentgen, equal to 1000 ‘‘r.”’
‘Couiins, G. N., and Louis R. MaxweEuu. Science 83: 375. 1936.
death of all plants, a condition frequently found with winter plantings, while occa- sionally during the summer months most of the plants survive. This behavior con- stitutes a variable factor that must be superimposed on the following results as a systematic error. It has been reduced, how- ever, by limiting the planting dates to the period extending from October to May.
X-ray sensitivity in relation to temperature changes before, during, and after x-ray treat- ment.—Effects of cooling with liquid air are shown in Table 1, which includes results obtained in two separate experiments. The first, conducted in April, 1940, resulted in no survivors; however, the height of the dead plants from seeds held at a tempera- ture of —187°C. during the time of irradia- tion was slightly greater than that of any of the other plants. Since no survivors were obtained in this instance, the experiment was repeated in May, 1940. Height meas- urements show a definite resistance to x-rays for the seeds held at — 187°C. during irradiation. In addition, the number of sur- vivors for this treatment is significantly greater than the number found for any of the other treatments. It is also evident that cold treatment following irradiation at room temperature has a detrimental effect both on the mean height and number of surviv- ors.
Similar results were obtained by cooling with a mixture of CO. snow and alcohol, which gave a seed temperature of —66°C. Table 2 summarizes the results, which show that —66°C. during irradiation produces an
Jan. 15, 1942
increased resistance to the effects of x-rays, as indicated both by the height of plant and the number of survivors. In addition, it is seen that this same degree of cooling after x-ray treatment also increased the sensitivity to x-rays. There is an increase of 3.62 mm in mean height of seedlings from seeds cooled before irradiation as compared to those seeds kept at room temperature, which is greater than the amount required for statistical significance. The difference in survival number, however, is not signifi- cant.
increasing the temperature to 50°C. pro- vided another region of investigation. Table 3 shows the results of an experiment con- ducted in March, 1940, in which there were no survivors, but a significant increase in plant height for heating during irradiation as compared with the other treatments; the latter were not statistically different. In a repetition of this experiment in December, 1940, a large number of plants lived when the seeds were held at 50°C. during irradia- tion. Mean plant height of ‘during’ is definitely greater than in any of the other treatments, in agreement with the experi- ment of March, 1940. Furthermore, it is clear that seeds heated to 50°C. before x-raying ‘produced significantly smaller seedlings than any of the other treatments. Differences in seedling height between “after” and the “irradiated controls’ are not significant. The proportion of plants surviving was essentially alike in the “be- fore,’ ‘after,’ and “irradiated control” groups.
Recovery with time.—As a means of deter- mining whether there is a recovery from X-ray injury with the time elapsing from irradiation to planting, four lots of seeds were x-rayed at different times and planted together. Heat treatments of 50°C. were given before, during, and after x-raying, and in addition there were corresponding x-rayed control samples at each irradiation period kept at room temperature through- out.
These treatments were given in the four periods: September 16 to 19; September 30 to October 3; October 22 to 25; and Novem- ber 18-22. In each period 200 seeds were
MAXWELL, KEMPTON, AND MOSLEY: X-RAY SENSITIVITY 19
x-rayed for each heat treatment, giving 800 x-rayed seeds for each of the four periods. Upon completion of the laboratory treat- ments the samples were stored at room temperature until the planting date. As the planting arrangement could accommodate only half the total number of seeds at one time, two separate plantings were made, the
30
+100
FIRST PLANTING
Mean Height (mm)
i
uw
re) Percentage Survival
3OF
8 Tie G= eae
Mean Height (mm)
fo
|
uo
oO Percentage Survivol
(e) 20 40 60 80 Meon Time Between X-raying and Planting (Days)
Fig. 1.—Curves showing mean heights and percentage survival of maize seedlings from two plantings of x-rayed seed (35 kr) receiving vari- ous heat treatments (50°C.) and held at room temperature for different periods before planting. The controls were irradiated and held at room temperature throughout. Differences in mean height in excess of 2.20 mm have probabilities less than 0.01.
first on November 26 and the second on December 10, immediately following the harvest of the first planting. The numerous lots were randomized, with all treatments appearing twice in each planting flat and with twelve flats in each planting period. The two plantings provided eight differ- ent mean elapsed times between x-raying and planting, extending from 6 to 83 days.
20 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
Only 100 seeds could be irradiated at a time, so that it required 4 days to complete one set of exposures, with 200 seeds used for each heat treatment. However, the variance introduced through this duplication proved to be no greater than was to be expected on the basis of chance, leading to the conclu- sion that the unavoidable time interval of 4 days within each x-ray period does not produce differences in seedlings behavior large enough to be detected by the methods here used.
Table 4 gives the mean heights for the several treatments for the two plantings and Fig. 1 illustrates the results graphically. It is evident that the two growing periods, al- though separated in time by only two weeks, produced seedlings differing in size. Gross features of the environment were not noticeably different in the two periods. The planting technique controlled the available moisture, and the greenhouse temperatures were approximately controlled by thermo- stats, but the amount of sunlight was a free variable. Thermograph charts for the two periods are not dissimilar; however, very small differences in temperature may produce measurable results. At least the analysis of variance showed that the two clinostats on which the flats were rotated differed significantly, which may be inter- preted as a temperature effect as the benches on which they were mounted side by side also supported the steam radiators.
Although the two growing periods re- sulted in seedlings significantly different in size, they did not result in differential re- sponses to the seed treatments. The single interactions of planting dates with the two treatment variables (1) elapsed time be- tween x-raying and planting and (2) high temperature before, during, or after irradia- tion were not significantly greater than the error term.
Analysis of variance showed, furthermore, that both treatment variables produced significant differences in seedling size. Seeds treated at 50°C. during irradiation pro- duced the tallest plants for waiting periods up to and including 55 days in the first planting and through the 69 day period in the second planting. For longer periods the
VOL. 32, No. 1
mean heights of “during” and “room tem- perature’ were not significantly different in either planting, and this is true also for “after” in the second planting. Mean height of plants from seeds heated before irradia- tion was consistently lower than for any of the other treatments, although not always significantly so.
There was a significant interaction of x-ray dates with the time at which the tem- perature was applied to the seeds. This re- sulted from a differential recovery among the heat treatments with waiting period. For the seeds planted 20 days after x-raying, the several heat treatments gave rather wide differences in mean height, which be- came practically the same after 83 days elapsed before planting. The size of the seedlings from seeds heated during x-raying was rather constant for all waiting periods while the other heat treatments gave mean heights increasing with time. Seedling size for any given category depends upon the three elements, planting date, elapsed time, and temperature treatment, as the triple interaction of these variables was found to be significant.
Table 5 gives the distribution of number of living and dead plants obtained as a func- tion of elapsed time between x-raying and planting, while in Fig. 1 the corresponding percentage survivals are shown graphically. The x2 test for the four temperature treat- ments, irrespective of time lapse from the date of x-raying, showed for both plantings that the difference between number of dead and living plants in the four groupings was not one of chance. For the first planting x2= 185.73; for the second, 156.87, both of which are clearly too great with seven de- grees of freedom to be considered chance departures. In both plantings the large con- tribution to x? was made by the group treated during irradiation because in each case the proportion of alive to dead seed- lings was relatively high in this treatment in agreement with the measurements of height. A continuous increase in survival is noted up to the fifty-fifth day for the first planting and the sixty-ninth day for the second planting, also in agreement with results observed for seedling height. The
Jan. 15, 1942
second planting with its taller seedlings gave a significantly higher death rate of 76.0+1.10 per cent than the value of 65.7 +1.2 per cent, which was observed for the first planting.
Thus it is evident from both the measure- ments of size and from the proportion of living to dead plants that the seedlings from the four x-raying periods were not alike. The nature of this experiment is such that the observed changes in seedling size and in survivors between successive x-rayed samples cannot be ascribed with certainty
MAXWELL, KEMPTON, AND MOSLEY: X-RAY SENSITIVITY 21
only to the time elapsing between x-raying and planting. Undoubtedly there are other and unknown variables connected with the samples x-rayed at different times, but in the present design there is no way to sepa- rate the effects produced by elapsed time between x-raying and planting from other possible variables. Therefore, although the experiment discloses an apparent recovery from x-ray injury with time in these air dry seeds, it should be kept in mind that there may be a less esoteric explanation when the experiment has been repeated.
DISCUSSION
The observed reduction in x-ray sensitiv- ity brought about by cold treatments dur- ing the time of irradiation may be caused by the absence of certain thermal or low energy reactions that normally take place when the seeds are irradiated at room tem- perature, as suggested earlier.2, Svedberg and Brohult® have shown that under irra- diation by ultraviolet and a particles Helix haemocyanin will split into half molecules when held at either room temperature or liquid-air temperature. However, when haemoglobin and serum albumin were ir- radiated, they decomposed readily at room temperature and O0°C., but at liquid-air temperature no forms of low molecular weight were found for haemoglobin, while serum albumin showed only slight decom- position. These proteins apparently respond quite differently to irradiation; splitting of Helix haemocyanin is evidently produced by initial or primary high energy reactions which are independent of temperature. Haemoglobin and serum albumin, on the other hand, will decompose only when the temperature is high enough to permit ther- mal reactions to occur. The observed low temperature behavior of maize seeds is not so striking as in the case reported for haemoglobin and serum albumin, although certain similarities are apparent.
Detrimental effects produced by cold treatments following irradiation can be ex- plained as simply an additive effect of x-
6’ SvepBERG, T., and S. Bronutr. Nature 143: 939. 1939.
rays and cold treatments, for it has been shown earlier that cold treatments alone will cause a retardation in subsequent growth of maize seedlings. However, this simple theory fails for cold treatment at —187°C. before irradiation in which case no change in x-ray sensitivity was observed.
Increased x-ray sensitivity induced by heating prior to irradiation was expected in view of former work’ where normal 8-per- cent moisture dry maize seeds oven-dried to 2-percent moisture before irradiation showed a considerable increase in suscepti- bility to x-rays. Moisture content of the seeds alone may be an important factor in determining the resistance to x-rays. Heat treatments following x-irradiation produced no appreciable changes in sensitivity, also confirming previous results.
Temperature effects were the greatest when the heat treatment and x-ray absorp- tion occurred simultaneously causing a large reduction in x-ray sensitivity. No adequate explanation is offered for this phenomenon; however dry maize seeds are living systems that undoubtedly attempt to throw off or recover from the x-ray in- duced effects as soon as they appear. Abil- ity to recover is evidently strengthened by increasing the temperature during irradia- tion.
The above discussion has been concerned with variations in response when seeds are planted soon after treatment. If the seeds
6 MAXWELL and KemprTon. Op. cit.
7 KemMpTon and MAXwELL. Op. cit.
22 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
are held at room temperature before plant- ing for various periods extending up to 69 or 83 days, three noticeable effects occur: (1) There exists a general but a varying amount of recovery with time for all the treatments used; (2) the marked reduction in sensitivity of seeds heated during irra- diation as compared to those heated after
VOL. 32, NO. 1
x-raying, or to the irradiated controls, finally disappears by the end of the 69- or 83-day period; (3) seeds heated before irra- diation although showing some recovery with time are consistently the most sus- ceptible to the radiation. The results seem to indicate also that a certain limiting amount of recovery with time is attainable.
SUMMARY
(1) Dry maize seeds held at temperatures ranging from —187°C. to 50°C. during ex- posure to x-rays, dosage 35 kr, showed a maximum sensitivity in the region 0 to room temperature, in confirmation of earlier work.
(2) To decrease the x-ray sensitivity of dry maize seeds by hot or cold treatments the high or low temperatures must prevail during the time of irradiation. A possible exception occurred for a cold treatment at — 66°C. before irradiation where a slightly significant decrease in sensitivity was found.
(3) Cold treatments following irradiation increase the effects produced by x-rays in
an apparently additive manner.
(4) Heat treatments prior to irradiation increase the x-ray sensitivity.
(5) Time elapsed between x-raying and planting gives rise to the following results: (1) A general but varying amount of re- covery with time for all the treatments used, (2) the marked reduction in sensitiv- ity of seeds heated during irradiation com- pared to ‘‘after’’ or the “irradiated con- trols’ finally disappears by the end of 69 or 83 days, (3) seeds heated before irradiation although showing recovery with time are consistently the most susceptible to irra- diation.
TABLE 1.—EFFECT OF A SEED TEMPERATURE OF —187°C. BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER IRRADIATION WITH X-RAYS (35 kr) ON S1zE OF SEEDLINGS AND NUMBER OF SURVIVORS COMPARED WITH I[R- RADIATED CONTROLS AT ROOM TEMPERATURE THROUGHOUT.
Number and
Cold treatment (—187°C.) relative
Irradiated con- trols at room
mean height Date to time of x-raying temperature throughout 1940 Before} | During After Number of seedlings... April 173 175 176 178 Number of survivors... 0 0 0 0 Mean height (mm).... 13.42? toro 13.42 14.39 Number of seedlings... May® 173 170 166 174 Number of survivors... 73 115 12 63 Mean height (mm)..... 19.868 33 .02 10.45 20.41
1180 seeds planted for each treatment. 2 Differences in mean height must exceed 1.09 mm to be significant. 3 Differences in mean height must exceed 2.94 mm to be significant.
4 Elapsed time between x-raying and planting was 6 to 12 days. ‘Elapsed time between x-raying and planting was 7 to 12 days.
JAN. 15, 1942 MAXWELL, KEMPTON, AND MOSLEY: X-RAY SENSITIVITY 23
TABLE 2.— EFFECT OF A SEED TEMPERATURE OF —66°C. BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER [IRRADIATION WITH X-RAYS (35 kr) ON S1zE oF SEEDLINGS AND NUMBER OF SURVIVORS COMPARED WITH IR- RADIATED CONTROLS AT ROOM TEMPERATURE THROUGHOUT.
| Irradiated con-
Number and Dat Cold treatment (—66°C.) relative trols at room mean height ge to time of x-raying temperature throughout 1940 Before} During After Number of seedlings... April? 173 176 164 77 Number of survivors... 28 77 4 17 Mean height (mm).... Deoreiic 36.04 17.33 22ND
1180 seeds planted for each treatment. 2 Differences in mean height must exceed 2.88 mm to be significant. 3 Elapsed time between x-raying and planting was 3 to 6 days.
TABLE 3.—EFFECT OF A SEED TEMPERATURE OF 50°C. BErorE, DURING, AND AFTER IRRADIATION WITH X-RAYS (35 kr) ON S1zE OF SEEDLINGS AND NUMBER OF SURVIVORS COMPARED WITH I[R- RADIATED CONTROLS AT ROOM TEMPERATURE THROUGHOUT.
Irradiated con-
Number and DE Heat treatment (50°C.) relative trols at room mean height ae to time of x-raying temperature throughout 1940 Before: — During After Number of seedlings... Marché 93! 95 95 93 Number of survivors... 0 0 0 0 Mean height (mm).... 14.27? 21.91 14.84 14.70 Number of seedlings...; | December® 1893 186 189 189 Number of survivors... 0 67 2 7 Mean height (mm).... 18.194 30.23 20 .66 20.55
196 seeds planted for each treatment.
2 Differences in mean height must exceed 2.22 mm to be significant. 3 192 seeds planted for each treatment.
4 Differences between means must exceed 1.62 mm to be significant. 5 Elapsed time between x-raying and planting was 1 to 3 days.
6 Hlapsed time between x-raying and planting was 8 to 22 days.
TaBLE 4.—Meran Hetcuts (MM) or Maize SEEDLINGS FROM Two PLANTINGS OF SEEDS X-RAYED AT 35 kr REcEtvine Various Heat TREATMENTS AND HELD AT Room TEMPERATURE FOR DIFFER- ENT PERIODS BEFORE PLANTING.
First planting, November 26, 1940 Second planting, December 10, 1940 Mea iz Heat treatment (50°C.) | Irradiated Weee Heat treatment (50°C.) | Irradiated elapsed elapsed : time relative to time of controls re relative to time of controls between xX-raying at room henneen x-raying at room x-raying rocrge x-raying | gga and plant- ure nate | . ; ure ing esa) Before | During} After | throughout an ee) Before | During} After | throughout Doo col] LICE SOcee) less) 19.25 Nee | he <oou|paorOe..| 20-00 21.85 Bee | LOSO oe slo. 240.04 26.65 £4. os) Sacks | oa Sk.| 2¢.31 26.80 DOM 2CeO2 S458) | 28.86 34.42 6Q2.4. + S¥42 139.81 | 29°04 32.22 Ceonzo son) oo. 16.) 28.06 31.28 SS... .cle29.78.| 34.75 | 36.11 34.35
1 Differences exceeding 2.20 have probabilities less than 0.01.
24 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOL. 32, No. 1
TABLE 5.—NUMBER OF LIVING AND Drap MalizE SEEDLINGS FROM Two PLANTINGS OF SEEDS X-RAYED (35 kr) at Various Heat TREATMENTS AND HELD aT Room EEE Ds FOR VAR- 10US PERIODS BEFORE PLANTING.
First planting, November 26, 19-40 Second planting, December 10, 1940 ieee Irradiated || Irradiated | Mou Heat treatment (50°C. ) rela- | couieote:. (ote | Heat treatment (50°C.) rela- counted Total elapsed tive to time of x-raying | at room || elapsed | tive to time of x-raying | at room 1 time tempera- time | tempera- | between Before During After ture | between| Before | During After | ture x-raying through- | x-raying | through- and | out || and | out pe planting | Liv- Liv- iv- | planting Liv- ‘Liv- Liv- | | L4V-| Dead) Po (days) | ing Dead aa Dead a ead is | Ges Se Dead ng) Dead a | Dead i. ing | tal | | | “te ie| | | ae haa | 622 0 | 93 | 44 | 49 2| 92 | 4| 89 | 20 =| 0) 96 | 23 | "70'| O} 95 | 3 93 || 76) 677 753 255: 6 | 89 | 50 | 45 9485 300) J650 |" 4722) 4 | 821) 4S) 50 ado | 84 | 12 | 82 | 164) 592 |756 Gs 4 || Se: | 61 66 | 28 | 43 | 52 | 55 39 ] 69...| 26 | 70 | 60 | 35 | 20] 74 31 | 63 || 334] 422 |756 G92 4IC11 85 63 | 30 | 54 | 40 | 46 46 | 83. Or} Si | sOW 4G 132-268: 39 | 46 || 306| 442 |748
BOTAN Y.—Three new varieties and two new WALTER T. SwincLe#, U.S. Bureau of Plant
genera of the orange subfamily. Industry.
In preparing an extended treatment of the taxonomy of the aurantioid plants, en- titled ‘“The Botany of Citrus and its Wild Relatives of the Orange Subfamily (Family Rutaceae, Subfamily Aurantioideae),’’ which will be published shortly, I have found it necessary to describe a few new genera, new species, and new varieties as well as to make a number of new combinations. This paper, and five others previously published since April 1939,? have cleared the ground for my new classification of the entire sub- family.
1 Received November 28, 1941.
2 SwINGLE, WALTER T. A new taxonomic ar- rangement of the orange subfamily; Aurantioideae. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci. 28: 530-533. Dec. 1938.
Clymenia and _ Burkillanthus, new genera, also three new species of Pleiospermium (Rutaceae-Aurantioideae). Journ. Arn. Arb. 20: 250-263, pls. 1-3. Apr. 1939.
— Limnocitrus, a new genus, also new spe- cies of Wenzelia. Paramignya and Atalantia (Rutaceae-Aurantioideae). Journ. Arn. Arb. 21: 1—25, pls. 1-4. Jan. 1940.
—— New varieties and new combinations in the genera Clausena, Oxanthera, and Triphasia of the orange subfamily Aurantioideae. Journ. Wash- ington Acad. Sci. 30: 79-83. Feb. 1940.
Three new species of Citropsis, also new
varieties of Atalantia and Fortunella (Rutaceae- Avrantioideae). Journ. Arn. Arb. 21: 116-188, pls. 1-4. Apr. 1940.
combinations in Citrus and related
Citrus macroptera var. Kerrii Swingle, n. var.
Differt a specie fructu maiore, cortice fructus multe crassiore; vesiculis pulpiferis non solum ad parietes dorsales loculorum fructus sed etiam numerosissimis ad parietes laterales col- ligatis.
Differs from the typical form in having larger ovoid fruits, up to 8 or 9 cm in diameter instead of 5-53 cm; pulp-vesicles attached in large numbers to the side (radial) walls of the locules for 2 to 2 of the distance from the dorsal walls of the segments to the core of the fruit; peel very thick, 12-14 instead of 5-6 mm, as in the typical form; flowers (known only from one collection, Kerr 11983) small, 4- or 5-merous with 16-20 stamens borne on slender, free fila- ments.
Type specimen.—Thailand, Nakwan Sawan, Kampéngpat, Mé Lamung, alt. 540 m; lat. 16°15’ N.: long. 98°58’ E., Drs Al Bae Herb. Aberdeen University No. 6081.
Remarks.—This interesting new orange is a member of the subgenus Papeda, the species of which have numerous droplets of acrid, bitter oil in the pulp-vesicles, because of which the fruits are inedible and are called bitter- oranges.
This variety was discovered by Dr. Kerr in west-central Thailand. At the type locality he reports it to be a ‘common tree in the ever- green forest’’ and also notes that it grows “‘up
Jan. 15, 1942
to 10 meters high.’”’? The type material and another collection, Kerr 11983, from Ban Kragé, Thailand, were kindly lent to me by Prof. J. R. Matthews, curator of the Her- barium, University of Aberdeen, Scotland. This Thailand bitter-orange has long, stout, sharp spines on the lower branches (Fig. 1, B) but shorter ones or none on the fruiting branches (Fig. 1, C). This variety differs strikingly from, the typical form of Citrus macroptera in having fruits with a much thicker, chalky-white peel covered by a thin,
SWINGLE: VARIETIES IN CITRUS WL,
19877). This material differs from the Thai- land type specimens chiefly in having strongly acuminate leaves (Fig. 1, D), those of Dr.
Kerr’s collections being narrowed to a blunt apex (Fig. 1, B).
Citrus reticulata var. austera Swingle, n. var.
Differt a specie suco acidissimo; fructibus minoribus.
Differs from the typical form in having smaller fruits with intensely acid pulp.
Ty pe.—Ch’ao-chou, Kwangtung Province.
Fig. 1.—Citrus macroptera var. Kerri Swingle, n. var:
A, Fruit in cross section; B, fruiting
branch with very short spines; C, long spine on young shoot (A, B, C all from the type specimen); D, twig with acuminate leaves; E, entire fruit; F, part of a cut fruit (D, HE, F all from Tung Kung, Tonkin, Indochina, Groff 19877). One-half natural size.
green, surface layer only about 1 mm thick, which has numerous very small oil glands. The segments of the half-grown fruits contain very small pulp-vesicles only 1.5-2 mm long, borne on stalks 1-3 mm long, which are attached both to the dorsal wall of the locule and also in large numbers to the lateral (radial) walls for two-thirds to three-fourths of the distance from the dorsal wall of the locule to the core. Apparently this same variety occurs at Tung Kung (lat. 22°15’ N., long. 102°50’E.) in north-
ern Tonkin near the Chinese border (Groff
China, Groff 233 (1918), Herb. Lingnan Uni- versity, Canton, China.
Remarks.—G. W. Groff in 1918 wrote a de- tailed description for me of this variety, called swan chieh in Chinese (siin kat in Cantonese), and commonly grown in the Swatow region of southeastern China for use as a rootstock. As it is grown from seeds and not propagated by grafting it is evidently able to reproduce itself indefinitely from seeds and is not to be con- fused with any of the numerous Cifrus hybrids, mutations, and monstrosities, many of which
26 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
can be propagated only by grafting. I have drawn up from Groff’s manuscript tabulations and outline figures wherein he compares the characters of 7 sour mandarin (kat) varieties the following description:
Fruits slightly depressed globose, 2.9-3.3 em long, 3.8-3.6 em diameter, with smooth, loose peel about 4 mm thick, capucine yellow (Ridg- way’s pl. 3) when ripe; oil glands small, round, far apart, fragrant; segments 9, easily sepa- rated; segment walls thin, tender, white; core
Fig. 2.—Ciztrus macroptera var. Kerrit Swingle, n. var. A, Cross section of half-grown dried fruit; B, longitudinal section of fruit, both fruits from the type tree showing thick white peel and minute pulp-vesicles. Natural size.
VOL. 32, No. 1
6-8 mm diam. soft; pulp deep chrome (Ridg- way’s pl. 3) composed of small, short pulp- vesicles, clinging together but irregularly ar- ranged and easily broken; juice reddish yellow, very sour; seeds about 9, rounded at one end, pointed at the other, showing white parallel lines from base to tip; leaves lanceolate-ellipti- cal, blades 6.8-2.5 cm, rather acutely cuneate at the base and narrowed to a blunt apex, with about 10 pairs of lateral veins; petioles nearly wingless.
This variety is widely grown about Swatow, China, where it is used as a rootstock upon which to graft the mi-tang-ka, honey-pot or- ange, and other famous varieties widely ex- ported from Swatow. .
Probably some of the other sour mandarins called kat by the Cantonese are forms of this variety. Some of the so-called kat varieties with large fruits, which as they ripen may be- come sweet enough to eat, are probably hy- brids between this variety (austera) and sweet mandarins (Citrus reticulata Blanco) or sweet oranges (Citrus sinensis (Linn.) Osbeck). A hybrid between Citrus reticulata var. austera and some species of kumquat belonging to the genus Fortunella is commonly cultivated in Citrus collections under the name calamondin.
Murraya alata var. hainensis Swingle, var. nov.
Differt specie folioliis junioribus minute puberulentibus.
Differs from the typical form in having the leaflets minutely pubescent on both surfaces when young, while the species itself has leaves always completely glabrous.
Type.-—China, Hainan Island, Strand at Haichow, McClure 7611, Herb. Nat. Arbor- etum, Washington, D. C.
Remarks.—Both this variety and the typical form are very small trees with leaves having a plainly winged rachis and are distinct from other species of the genus Murraya.
Clausena heptaphylla var. Engleri (Tan.) Swingle, n. comb.
Clausena Englert Tan. in Mededeel, van’s Rijks Herb. 69: 6. 1931.
Murraya microphylla (Merr. and Chun) Swingle, n. comb.
Clausena microphylla Merr. and Chun in
Sunyatsenia 2: 251. 1935.
JAN. 15, 1942
HARRIS: SPECIES OF HARMOSTES 2b
ENTOMOLOGY .—Notes on Harmostes, with descriptions of some new species
(Hemiptera: Corizidae).'
Because the earlier descriptions dealt largely with color and because it is now rec- ognized that intraspecific variation in color is very great, entomologists in general have had great difficulty in identifying specimens of Corizidae. The present notes are offered in an attempt to make known structural features that it now appears may be of some worth in segregating species of the genus Harmostes Burmeister.
For the privilege of studying the types of the species described by Berg I am indebted to Dr. Max Biraben, Jefe del Departmento de Zoologia (Invertebrados) del Museo de La Plata. Dr. Jose A. de Carlo has kindly sent me for study the specimens belonging to the collection of the Museo Argentina de Ciencias Naturales and H. G. Barber has sent the undetermined material in the col- lection of the U. 8. National Museum. Dr. Carl J. Drake and John C. Lutz have graciously permitted me to study the tropi- cal species represented in their extensive collections.
Harmostes procerus Berg
1879. Harmostes procerus Berg, Hemip. Argen- tina: 91.
1922. Harmostes procerus Pennington, Physis 5: 166.
1924. Harmostes procerus Jensen-Haarup, Ent. Medd. 14: 329, figs. 10c, 10d.
1941. Harmostes procerus Torre-Bueno, Bull. Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 86.
I have had the privilege of studying the type series of this species. One of the specimens bears the pin label “‘T'ypus’”’ and a second label “Harmostes procerus Berg.’ This individual, a male in good condition, also carries the label “Banda Oriental.” I designate it lectotype and have added a label. The other specimens in the type series all bearing Berg’s ‘“Typus’’ label are designated paratypes.
The species appears to be common in the Argentine. It exhibits a wide range in color variations and seems to bear a somewhat simi- lar relation to the South American Harmostini as fH. refleculus (Say) does to the North
1 Received August 21, 1941.
H. M. Harris, Ames, Iowa.
American forms. Gibson was wrong in his synopsis of the original description when he said of the pronotum, “lateral margins strongly crenulate,’ as was Torre-Bueno also in placing the species in that section of his key with lateral margins of pronotum smooth. As a matter of fact, the edge of the pronotal side margins is very minutely, obsoletely crenulate. The membrane is not spotted but is marked with a more or less distinct fuscous streak through its middle. This is sometimes distinctly divided by the pale veins.
In addition to the type series I have seen a long series of specimens from Montevideo and various localities in the Argentine belonging to the La Plata Museum, the Museum of Buenos Aires, the U. 8. National Museum, and the Pennington collection. The size varies from 5.9 mm, small males, to 8.4 mm, larger females. Jensen-Haarup has figured the male genital segments.
Harmostes prolixus Stal
1860. Harmostes prolixus Stal, Rio Janeiro Hemip. 1: 30.
1879. Harmostes prolixus Berg, Hemip. Argen- tina: 91.
1922. Harmostes prolixus Pennington, Physis 5: 165.
1924. Harmostes prolixus Jensen-Haarup, Ent. Medd. 14: 327, figs. 10a—b.
1934. Harmostes prolixus Blote, Zool. Meded. 17: 254.
1941. Harmostes prolixus Torre-Bueno, Bull.
Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 85.
The.La Plata collection contains the speci- men recorded by Berg from ‘‘Corrientes’”’ and two additional specimens from Cérdoba. The Museum of Buenos Aires collection contains a specimen from La Paz, Dep. San Javier, Cér- doba, and another from Bolivia, Steinbach, 1916. I have seen other specimens from Grand Chaco, Paraguay; Cuatro Ojos and Santa Cruz, Bolivia; Prov. Buenos Aires and Puesta, Argentina; Sao Paulo and Nova Teutonia, Brazil.
The species is closely related to Harmostes raphimerus Spinola but has a narrower, more elongate form, and the pronotal lateral margin is very narrow and sharply reflexed. The buc- culae end on or slightly before a line drawn
28 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
through front margin of eyes. The entire clavus and corium, except for a small area near apex of middle basal cell of corium (cell R or discal cell), is coarsely punctate. The male parameres are distinctly shorter and broader than depicted in Jensen-Haarup’s fig- ure and the rim of the genital capsule extends across the base of the median process and caudad to it. In procerus, however, it is the margin of the capsule that is produced as is figured. Harmostes apicatus Stal
1860. Harmostes apicatus Stal, Freg. Eug.
Resa., Ins.: 238. Harmostes apicatus Berg, Hemip. Ar- gentina: 91.
1879.
1917. Harmostes apicatus Gibson, Ent. News 28: 444.
1922. Harmostes apicatus Pennington, Physis 52165:
1924. Harmostes apicatus Jensen-Haarup, Ent.
Medd. 14: 327, fig. 10f.
Harmostes apicatus Blote, Zool. Meded. We 253.
Harmostes apicatus Torre-Bueno, Bull. Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 86.
The two specimens recorded by Berg from Buenos Aires and Corrientes are present in the La Plata collection. Other examples before me are from Buenos Aires and Tigre, Argen- tina; Horqueta and Grand Chaco, Paraguay; Villa Montes, Izozo, Cuatro Ojos, and Santa Cruz, Bolivia; and Para and Nova Teutonia, Brazil.
The small size, the rather wide and punctate reflexed lateral margins of the pronotum, the transparent and impunctate (except for margi- nal rows) inner cells of the corium, and the short bucculae, which taper posteriorly to a point opposite front half of eyes, are distinc- tive features. The pronotal edge while not cal- loused and completely smooth can not be called crenulate (cf. Gibson).
In all the specimens I have seen there is 4 more or less distinct infuscation in the apical cells of the corium. The hind margin of the male genital capsule is sinuately emarginate, with a small angular notch at its middle.
1934. 1941.
Harmostes serratus (Fabricius)
1794. Acanthia serrata Fabricius, Ent. Syst. 4: io
1794. Coreus gravidator Fabricius, Ent. Syst. 4: en
1803. Coreus gravidator Fabricius, Syst. Rhyng. 199.
VOL. 32, NO. 1
1852. Harmostes perpunctatus List
Hemip. 2: 521.
Dallas,
1868. Harmostes serratus Stal, Hemip. Fabri- ciana 1: 67.
1934. Harmostes serratus Blote, Zool. Meded. 17: 254.
1939. Harmostes serratus Barber, Sci. Survey Porto Rico 14 (3): 326.
1941. Harmostes serratus Torre-Bueno, Bull.
Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 83.
I have seen specimens of what I take to be serratus from Antigua, Trinidad, Hayti, Co- lombia, and Panama. This form has a very wide range, and the complex consists of several incipient and as yet unfixed species or it is a highly plastic thing. As might be expected, the literature concerning it is involved.
Lateral margins of pronotum pale, reflexed and with a row of 10 to 12 clean-cut teeth ex- tending well up on hind lobe and there giving way to coarse serrations. Tylus, as seen from the side, conspicuously angularly produced, reaching to distal fifth of antennal I. Spine of antenniferous tubercule much longer than in affinis, the distance from front of eye to apex of spine greater than length of an eye. Buc- culae about attaining a point opposite middle of eye. Antennal III distinctly longer than II, IV about one-half of III. Humeri of pronotum distinctly angular. Male paramere short, broad. Membrane spotted. Clavus and entire corium, except small area at apex of emboliar suture (median furrow), opaque, coarsely punctate.
Harmostes affinis Dallas
1852. Harmostes affints Dallas, List Hemip. 2: 522.
1879. Harmostes serratus Berg, Hemip. Argen- tina: 90.
1907. Harmostes affinis Van Duzee, Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci. 8 (5): 18.
1909. Harmostes affinis Van Duzee, Bull. Buf- falo Soc.-Nat. Sci. 9: 161.
1917. Harmostes affinis Gibson, Ent. News 28: 441, 442.
1922. Harmostes serratus Pennington, Physis 5: 164.
1939. Harmostes affinis Barber, Sci. Survey Porto Rico 14 (8): 326.
1941. Harmostes affinis Torre-Bueno, Bull.
Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 83.
Specimens are at hand from Florida, Texas, Mexico, Panama, Colombia, Antigua, Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina and a long series from various localities in Bolivia. The Argen- tina specimens are those recorded by Berg and Pennington as H. serratus (Fabricius).
JAN. 15, 1942
The species shows considerable variation and at times is very difficult to separate from H. serratus (Fabricius). As pointed out by Van Duzee and by Barber, however, in their ex- tremes the two forms may readily be separated by the degree of development of the tylus, antenniferous spines, and denticulations of lateral edge of pronotum and by the length of the antennal segments and rostrum. It will re- main for future studies to show whether af- finis and serratus are distinct segments of a widely distributed and highly plastic species complex and therefore worthy of more than subspecific rank.
Apex of tylus angularly rounded, not dis- tinctly produced, the distance from tip of jugum to tip of tylus distinctly less than length of an eye. Lateral edge of pronotum serrate in front and becoming crenulate posteriorly on hind lobe. Distance from front of eye to apex of antenniferous spine less than length of eye.
Harmostes dorsalis Burmeister
1835. Harmostes dorsalis Burmeister, Handb. d’Ent. 2: 307.
1881. Harmostes dorsalis Distant, Biol. Centr.- Amer., Rhyn. Heterop. 1: 168.
1917. Harmostes dorsalis Gibson, Ent. News 28: 439, 444.
1934. Harmostes dorsalis Blote, Zool. Meded. 17: 254.
1941. Harmostes dorsalis Torre-Bueno, Bull.
Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 89.
This species was described from Mexico and is the haplotype of the genus, yet it apparently has remained unknown to workers since the time of Burmeister. Distant, in working up the Mexican species for the Biologia, passed it over as unknown, and Gibson on the basis of deter- minations made by Heidemann placed it in synonymy with H. serratus (Fabricius). Blote has more recently recorded the species from Brazil without comment. Of the species I have seen from Mexico it appears to me that the form treated above as H. affinis is the one that will most likely prove to be dorsalis. A careful study of Burmeister’s generic diagnosis with particular attention to the characters of the head, antennae, antenniferous spine, and pro- notal margins, as well as the abbreviated color description of the species only serves to in- tensify my suspicion.
Harmostes formosus Distant 1881. Harmostes formosus Distant, Biol. Centr.
HARRIS: SPECIES OF HARMOSTES 29
Amer., Rhyn. Heterop. 1: 167, pl. 15, fig. 15
1917. Harmostes formosus Gibson, Ent. News 28: 442.
1941. Harmostes formosus Torre-Bueno, Bull. Brooklyn Ent. Soc. 36: 84.
There is in the National Museum a male specimen labeled Atencingo, Mexico, June, 1922, E. G. Smyth, and determined as formosus by Mr. Barber. The species is very distinctive by reason of its irregularly dentate lateral margins of the pronotum, the strongly raised posterior lobe with broadly rounded somewhat flaring humeral angles, the long, convex head, the short antennae, and long rostrum. In tex- ture of hemelytra and type of clasper it is nearest croceus Gibson and bicolor Distant.
Head longer than broad (40:35), distinctly longitudinally convex. Antennae not so long as head, pronotum and scutellum combined, seg- ment I just attaining apex of head, II enlarged at apex, IV not over 4 times as long as thick; proportions, 14:30:30:20. Bucculae tapering posteriorly and ending before a point opposite middle of eye. Rostrum reaching base of third segment of venter.
Pronotum twice as wide as long (66:33), the disk coarsely punctate and rugose, the anterior angles prominent, the lateral margin wide and irregularly serrate in front, narrowing and be- coming crenulate backwards to humeri, the latter broadly rounded. Scutellum slightly longer than wide. Hemelytra coriaceous, not noticeably punctate. Membrane spotted, ap- pearing smoky due to dark wings beneath. Metasternum with prominent borders to rostral channel, these high and truncate in front. Venter sulcate at middle of two basal segments. Genital characters of refleculus type, but para- meres with characteristic proportions.
Length, 9.0 mm. Width, across humeri, 3.0.
The color is deeper than depicted by Distant. The apices of antennal II and III, all of IV, the apices of the tibiae, the tarsi, and the base of hind tibiae are more deeply colored. The hind tibiae are stout and distinctly compressed.
Harmostes marmoratus Blanchard
In his notes on the Argentinian species of Harmostes Jensen-Haarup treats as marmoratus a form that surely is not the true Chilean marmoratus of Blanchard. Perhaps as he him- self indicates he was dealing only with strik-
30 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
ingly colored examples of H. procerus Berg. I have given elsewhere notes on the structural features of specimens of marmoratus from the Reed Chilean collection.
Harmostes imitabilis, n. sp.
Size medium; form slender, elongate. Gen- eral color yellowish testaceous, with a roseate tinge, the veins of hemelytra distinctly reddish. Head distinctly longer than wide across eyes (29:24). Spines of antenniferous tubercules short. Tylus compressed, prominent, as seen from the side crenulate, reaching to middle of first antennal segment. Antennae long, longer than head, pronotum and scutellum con- joined; proportions, 18:24:26:17 (female, 20: 26:29:19). Bucculae fairly low and long, tapering posteriorly, reaching to a point about opposite middle of eye. Rostrum relatively short, just attaining metasternum, segment I not extending to line of hind margin of eyes; proportions, 15:18:10:12. Pronotum about one and one-half times as wide as long (37:25) only slightly raised posteriorly, the median smooth line obsolete in front and behind but quite conspicuous at the interlobe constric- tion; the sides straight, their margins narrow, reflexed and finely crenulate; the anterior angle acute, only slightly produced and placed be- hind the fine collar; humeral angles obtuse. Scutellum longer than broad. Hemelytra with clavus and exocorium coriaceous and coarsely punctate, the rest hyaline and impunctate ex- cept for an incomplete marginal row bordering the veins; membrane extending well beyond margin of abdomen, clear; venter pale, the trichobothria dark and conspicuous. Legs pale, the hind femora extending just to apex of ab- domen. Male genital capsule deeply, rectangu- larly excavated at apex, the parameres slen- der, their tips dark, recurved.
Length, 6.2-7.7 mm. Width across humeri, 1.7-2.2 mm.
Holotype, male, and allotype, female, Lujan, Prov. Buenos Aires, Argentina, December 8, 1938, C. J. Drake, collector (my collection). Paratype, one male taken with type.
This species has the size and form of H procerus Berg, with which it is very closely al- lied. From procerus it is differentiated by the more convex and laterally sloping disk of pro- notum and the narrower pronotal side margins, as well as by the character of the male genital
VOL. 32, No. 1
capsule which in procerus is roundly produced at the middle beneath. As in procerus the punc- tures of the pronotum and clavus are very large and coarse. In the male there is visible through the membrane two sublateral elongate dark spots on the last dorsal segment. The second antennal segment is somewhat enlarged and flattened at the base as in procerus.
Harmostes petulans, n. sp.
Size medium for the genus; body oblong. General color yellowish to greenish testaceous, marked with dark testaceous to brown; the head, front lobe of pronotum and scutellum at times varying toward orange. Head faintly broader across eyes than its median length (23: 22), above rather horizontal and somewhat longitudinally convex; clypeus compressed laterally, raised, its edge only slightly granu- late, in front more or less rounded and not produced, reaching to distal third of first an- tennal. Spines of antenniferous tubercules as seen from above short, slender, slightly in- curved; from the side, almost triangular. Buc- culae short, rather high and of equal height throughout, ending abruptly at a line drawn through front margin of eyes. Antennae short, about as long as head, pronotum and scutellum combined, length of segment I faintly less than width of head between eyes (12:13); propor- tions, 12:20:21:17 (female, 13:22:22:19). Rostrum extending to middle of metasternum, segment I reaching only to a point about op- posite hind margin of eyes; proportions, 15: 14:11:13. Pronotum nearly twice as wide as long (male, 40:22; female, 46:24), distinctly raised posteriorly, with a median smooth line which is most prominent between the lobes; the lateral margins moderately wide, sharply reflexed, punctate, the edge almost smooth (obsoletely granulate) and forming a straight or barely sinuate line; anterior angles only slightly produced, placed a little behind the very narrow collar; humeral angles obtusely rounded. Scutellum equally as long as wide, the apex broadly rounded. Hemelytra with clavus and exocorium thickly punctate, the other cells transparent and impunctate except for a marginal row around their borders. Mem- brane clear, without darker markings, ex- tending well beyond apex of abdomen. Pro- thorax as seen from the side with the reflexed upper edge shiny, smooth, with only a few
Jan. 15, 1942
punctures. Metapleuron strongly sinuate along its hind margin. Hind femora projecting dis- tinctly behind apex of abdomen. Hind tibiae without a distinct dark annulus at apex. Venter with the usual trichobothriae which are pale and inconspicuous; sixth segment rather strongly laterally compressed in the female. Male genital capsule with its hind margin almost straight, or widely truncate, between the prominent lateral angles. Male clasper slender, the apex dark, recurved and bifid.
Length, 5.1-6.2 mm. Width (across humeri), 1.9-2.3 mm.
Holotype, male, and allotype, female, Cuatro Ojos, Bolivia, September 1917 Gn my collec- tion). Paratypes, one male, taken with types; one female, Villa Montes, Bolivia, November, 1917; one male, Lima, Peru, February 2, 1939, Carl J. Drake; one female, Argentina, 1939.
This species is perhaps nearest Harmostes minor Spinola which it superficially resembles very much. In minor, however, the bucculae taper posteriorly and the pronotal margin is broader and not so strongly reflexed. The spec- imens at hand show considerable color range. At times the clavus is darkened basally and the veins of hemelytra and the pronotum are flecked with reddish. The small distal cell of the corium is smoky in all specimens at hand.
Harmostes insitivus, n. sp.
Moderately small, elongate-oval, rather strongly flattened. Pale testaceous, conspicu- ously speckled with reddish brown. Head about equally as long as broad (21:22), not noticeably arched above; tylus low, not pro- duced anteriorly, extending faintly beyond middle of first antennal segment. Spines of antenniferous tubercules short, from above very slender, from the side almost triangular. Antennae short, subequally as long as head, pronotum, and scutellum conjoined, length of segment II equal to distance between eyes, IV stout, dark, thickest beyond the middle; proportions, 11:13:17:12. Bucculae low, grad- ually sloping posteriorly, reaching about to a point opposite hind margin of eyes. Rostrum extending to middle of metasternum, segment I very slightly exceeding bucculae. Pronotum flat for the genus, twice as broad as long (35:17), the lateral edges straight, the side margins rather wide and only slightly sloping; base not broader than hemelytra. Scutellum
HARRIS: SPECIES OF HARMOSTES AA |
equally as broad as long (15). Hemelytra with clavus and exocorium strongly coriaceous and thickly punctured, of corium not so strongly coriaceous and less profoundly punctured; mem- brane speckled with brown. Hind femora not attaining apex of abdomen. Venter rough, speckled with brown. Male genital capsule, strongly produced at middle of hind margin, produced portion broadly rounded.
Length, 4.5 mm. Width, across humeral angles, 1.6 mm.
Holotype, male, and allotype, female, Cau- quenes, Chile, September, my collection. Para- type, one male taken with type.
This species is probably nearest marmoratus in the nature of the antennae, bucculae, hemelytra, and genital capsule but is very dis- tinct by virtue of its more oval.and more flattened form, the nature of the pronotal mar- gins, the spotted membrane, the more greatly produced median portion of male genital cap- sule and the lower bucculae. The front angles of the pronotum are not especially sharp and the distance across humeri is not greater than width across base of hemelytra.
Harmostes gemellus, n. sp.
Size small to medium for the genus; form rather oblong-oval, quite broad behind the head. Greenish to yellowish testaceous, the pronotum, scutellum, clavus, and distal por- tion of corium tinged with brown, the expanded margin of pronotum and exocorium spotted with brown. Head rather flat above, slightly longer than broad (male, 23:21; female, 26:24). Tylus rather narrow and high, granulate or obsoletely crenulate, reaching slightly beyond middle of first antennal segment. Spines of antenniferous tubercule very slender from above. Antennae short, not longer than head, pronotum and scutellum combined, and seg- ment II about equal to width of frons plus one eye, slightly swollen at apex; IV stout, sud- denly enlarged at basal third, not over 4+ times as long as thick; proportions, 12:15:16:13 (fe- male, 14:17:18:15). Bueculae rather high. sloping sharply, ending before middle of eyes, Rostrum extending to rear of metasternum.
Pronotum twice as wide as long at median line (male, 40:19; female, 51:22), the sides sinuate, their margins very wide and broadly reflexed, the edge almost smooth; front lobe short and narrow, the hind lobe prominently
on JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
raised and strongly widened; median line present; disc granulate as well as punctate; front angles obtuse, humeral angles broadly rounded. Scutellum subequally as long as broad. Hemelytra as broad as pronotum, the clavus and corium, except for cell enclosing embolial fracture (discal cell), thinly coriaceous and thickly punctate. Membrane clear, with- out darker markings. Metapleuron concave along hind margin. Hind femora just attaining tip of abdomen. Venter broad, the trichoboth- riae pale, inconspicuous. Male genital capsule short, its hind margin beneath widely excavate and bi-sinuate. Male clasper slender, the tip darkened and recurved.
Length, male, 4.4 mm; female, 5.6 mm. Width, at base of pronotum, male, 1.8 mm; female, 2.3 mm.
Holotype, male, Lujan, Buenos Aires, Ar- gentina, December 18, 1938, Carl J. Drake (author’s collection). Allotype, female, Lima, Peru, February 2, 1938, Carl J. Drake.
Harmostes confinis, n. sp.
Form elongate oval, the humeri projecting. Yellowish testaceous, the pronotum, scutel- lum, and hemelytra with brownish markings. Head slightly longer than broad (23:25), rather flat above, the spines of antenniferous tubercules as seen from above long and slender, the tylus high, slightly produced, but not at- taining middle of first antennal segment. An- tennae longer than head, pronotum and scu- tellum combined, the second segment in length subequal to width of head, about 6 times as long as thick; proportions 17:21:20:20 (fe- male, 19:24:26:23). Bucculae rather high, gradually tapering backward, ending a little before hind margin of eye. Rostrum reaching on metasternum.
Pronotum twice as wide as long (male, 50:22; female, 60:30), with median smooth line pale and prominent, hind lobe raised and strongly widened so that the lateral edges are concave, side margins quite wide, the anterior lateral angles sharp, distinctly produced; the humeral angles broadly rounded, flaring. Scu- tellum about as long as wide. Hemelytra with clavus and exocorium coriaceous and strongly punctate, the remainder of corium thin, trans- lucent, and smooth except for a marginal row of punctures bordering the veins. Membrane
VOL. 32, NO. 1
without darker markings and with only 8 to 10 long veins. Metapleuron with hind margin concave. Venter pale, trichobothria inconspicu- ous. Hind femora extending beyond apex of abdomen. Male genital capsule somewhat flat- tened beneath, hind margin almost straight, only slightly and very widely emarginate. Length, male, 6.0; female, 6.7 mm. Width, across humeri, male, 2.3 mm; female, 2.7. Holotype, male, Valparaiso, Chile, my collec- tion. Allotype, female, El Salto, Santiago, Chile.
Harmostes fusiformis, n. sp.
Small, elongate-oval, widest slightly behind the middle. Head testaceous, slightly reddish above, longer than broad (28:24), longitudi- nally convex, the tylus reaching slightly beyond middle of first antennal segment. Antennifer- ous spines slender, projecting forward, distance from eye to apex of spine equal to length of eye. Bucculae long, tapering, extending about to base of head and to apex of first rostral seg- ment. Rostrum reaching on metasternum. Antennae short, segment I stout, surpassing tylus by less than half its own length, the three basal segments subequal in length, each equal to width of head between eyes (15). Pronotum yellowish testaceous, flat, coarsely punctate, with a median, smooth raised line on anterior two-thirds, the sides almost straight, converging anteriorly, their edges minutely crenulate, the front angles produced and prom- inent. Scutellum concolorous with pronotum, one-third longer than broad (20:15). Hemely- tra, greenish, the clovus and endocorium red- dish, entirely coriaceous, the clavus and exocorium coarsely punctate, the endocorium with punctures bordering the veins. Membrane narrow, twice as long as wide, reaching slightly beyond apex of abdomen, clear hyaline. Legs short, reddish testaceous, hind femora not ap- proaching apex of abdomen. Venter swollen, sixth segment in female compressed laterally.
Length, 5.56 mm. Width, at base of pronotum, 1.52 mm; at widest point, 2 mm.
Holotype, female, Quintin, Peru, Dr. P. Weiss, collector (U. S. N. M.).
The small size, coriaceous hemelytra, flat- tened pronotum, uniform length of the three basal antennal segments, and the almost fusi- form shape combine to make this species unique in the genus. Its general habitus is sug- gestive of brachypterism.
PROGRAMS OF THE ACADEMY AND AFFILIATED SOCIETIES?
Tue AcapEemy (Cosmos Club Auditorium, 8:15 p.m.): Thursday, February 19. The Aztecs of Mexico. Grorce C. VAILLANT.
Natrona, Grograpuic Society (Constitution Hall, 8:15 p.m.): Friday, January 16. America flies. J. PARKER VAN ZANDT. Friday, January 23. Java prepares. Davip GRIFFIN.
CotumBiA Historica Society (The Mayflower, 8:15 p.m.): Tuesday, January 20. Mrs. John H. Eaton (Peggy O’Neal). AwuLEN C. CLARK.
Boranica Society (Cosmos Club Auditorium, 8 p.m.): Tuesday, February 3. Medicinal plants of the Iroquois. WutL1aM N. FENTON.
AMERICAN SocteTy oF MECHANICAL ENGINEERS, Washington Section (Pepco Auditorium, 8 p.m.):
Thursday, Hebraacy 12. Adventures in electricity. PHILLips THOMAS.
Society or AMERICAN Bacreriouocists, Washington Branch (U. 8. Naval Hos- pital, 26th and E Streets, NW., 8 p. m.): Tuesday, January 27. Fate of Mycobacterium tuberculosis, Pseudomonas aeroginesa, and Salmonella typhimurium in scavenger birds. Don R. Cozurn and Psycot W. WETMORE. Aerobacter aerogenos and Escherichia acidi lactici as causes of aartcaing in turkeys. Husert Bunyrea and Aneus D. MacDona.p. Tuberculosis case findings in George Washington University students, with reference to variations in susceptibility and resistance. LELAND W. PaRR.
Mepicau Society or THE District or Cotumspia (1718 M Street, NW.):
Wednesday, January 21. Panel discussion on Peripheral vascular diseases. Moderator: Watuacre M. Yarer. Participants: Norman E. FREEMAN, A. Witsur Durysez, J. Ross VEAu.
Wednesday, January 28. Pediatrics Section symposium on Evaluation of some common diagnostic pediatric procedures: (1) Shick test, ERNesT L. STEB- BINS; (2) Tuberculin skin test, Hucu J. Davis; (3) Differential blood count in pertussis, Spinal puncture in poliomelitis, Dick test, ard Sig- nificance of blood findings in chemotherapy, E. CLARENCE Rice. Dis- ‘cussion by H. H. Donnatty, JospPH &. Watt, V. L. Eviicorr, GEORGE C. RUHLAND.
1 Notices to be published in this space must reach the Senior Editor, Raymond J. Seeger, not later than ‘the 28th of the month,
4 Lectures open only to members of the National Geographic Society who have subscribed to season tickets.
CONTENTS.
ErunoLtocy.—A scientific approach to African colonization. O. F. AOI Ga BUN tet ERAN MAR CUA eeBid aman A UA ena aa a A a
Biopnysics.—Hffect of temperature and time on the x-ray sensitivity of maize seeds. Louis R. Maxwetu, J.H. Kempton, and VERNON VE: MEO RTE TU Se I a Eh SR Gerd Aa Pe ly
Borany.—Three new varieties and two new combinations in Citrus and related genera of the orange subfamily. Wa.tEer T. SWINGLE.
ENntTomMoLogy.—Notes on Harmostes, with descriptions of some new spe- cies (Hemiptera: Corizidae). H. M. Harris...............-. $
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Wow. 32
FEBRUARY 15, 1942
No. 2
Science and War Austin H. CiarK, U.S. National Museum.
In times of national emergency it is in- cumbent upon all of us, both as individuals and as members of any organization to which we may belong, to do everything within our power for the public good. We who are engaged in science are no longer justified in appraising the world and our fellow men in the light of their bearing upon our specialty, as in times of peace we are inclined to do. We must broaden our out- look and integrate our activities and our thoughts with that will-to-victory that animates us all.
Victory, as we all know, will be achieved ‘primarily by our armed forces working in cooperation with those of our allies, and in collaboration with our diplomats. An all-out victory, however, demands that we give thought to certain social and economic aspects of present-day and future existence that lie beyond the scope of military and diplomatic activities.
Most of these social and economic aspects are already being cared for by various agen- cies either directly under, or more or less closely connected with, Governmental agencies. There are, however, a few of out- standing importance, though involving a relatively small number of individuals, that can better be carried on, or at least super- vised or encouraged, by organizations such as the Washington Academy of Sciences or similar bodies than by any Governmental agencies.
Academies of science are representative of the scientific activities in the communi- ties in which they are situated. The Wash-
+ Address of the retiring president of the Washington Academy of Sciences delivered at the 309th meeting of the Academy, January 15, 1942. Received January 15, 1942.
FEB 95 19g
33
ington Academy of Sciences includes within its membership representatives of all the branches of science in the Government service and in the local educational institu- tions. Each member has his special affilia- tions, but the Academy as a whole is capable of independent action insofar as such action does not interfere with the work, or run counter to the policies, of the various agencies with which its members are affiliated.
As a preface to the discussion of the needs of science in the present emergency may I, at the risk of being boresomely repetitious, tax your patience for a few minutes by reviewing briefly the history of science in relation to human society?
From the earliest times of which we have a record to the present day, the history of man has been marked by constant changes in the social systems, changes that often were abrupt and violent. One form of social structure or of government has succeeded another. Small but powerful social or politi- cal units have grown by accretion or by conquest into great kingdoms or empires. These kingdoms or empires eventually have decayed or fallen apart, the fragments maintaining a longer or shorter separate existence, or becoming merged into other larger units.
Together with these frequent social, political, or economic readjustments of the past we see a constant and fairly continu- ous development of other forces which to a large extent are independent of transient political conditions. We note a growing interest in and understanding of the prod- ucts of the earth and their uses. We also are able to trace the ever-increasing sub- jugation of the forces of nature, which
34 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
more and more come to be the servants instead of the enemies of man.
The greatest of all human achievements was the control and use of fire. We have no knowledge of when or how fire was first transformed from a terrifying natural phe- nomenon into man’s most useful servant, for no human race exists that does not know, to some extent at least, the use of fire. Second among human achievements was the fashioning and use of tools and weapons. The origin of the use of tools is lost in the far distant past. The earliest tools we know were crudely fashioned from stone. The technique of making tools grad- ually improved, and many of the stone axes, choppers, projectile points, and other ob- jects fashioned by early human types are marvels of technical skill. Then came the weaving of textiles from plant or animal fibers and the molding of pottery vessels, followed by the appearance of bronze. Not long after the appearance of bronze uten- sils of various sorts, the wheel and axle appeared in Asia, soon spreading to Europe.
From the Bronze Age onward the knowl- edge of the use of natural products and the control of natural forces have shown a fairly continuous development, and to an ever-increasing extent have become an integral part of the fundamental basis of progressive human societies.
Since the beginning of the present cen- tury the advance in the knowledge and understanding of the products and forces of nature has been greater than in all the thousands of years preceding—or at least since the subjugation of fire, the first fashioning of tools, and the domestication of animals and plants.
Whether we like the idea or not, we are now living in an age, and under condi- tions, in which science plays a dominant part, and the established scientific prin- ciples that underlie many of the most famil- iar of our present-day improvements were unheard of, or considered fallacious, no longer than a generation ago. Our children regard as commonplace necessities all sorts of things that to us of the older generation still seem to be more or less miraculous in- novations—the talkies, the radio, the air-
VOL. 32, NO. 2
plane, the wire-photograph, the neon light, the modern motor-car, and many others. This is self-evident to all; but the implica- tions inseparable from a culture based ever more intensively and extensively on in- creasingly abstruse science are not as yet fully appreciated.
The progress that through the ages has been made in the understanding of natural phenomena and in the utilization of natural products is continuing at an accelerated pace, and will continue in the future, in spite of what may happen in the next few years. It may be locally obstructed, or even brought to an end, but somehow, somewhere, it will carry on.
The present struggle is no more a contest in the military field than it is in the field of science. It is quite possible to win the war on the battle front, but lose it in the laboratory. The Germans and the Japanese both are well aware of this. So are our friends the Russians. They are waging their battles in their laboratories as vigorously as on the firing line.
We in this country must see to it that, so far as possible, the steady advance of sci- ence is maintained. At the present time we are utilizing to the maximum extent our scientific resources and our scientific per- sonnel to aid in our war effort. We are doing this, I have reason to believe, more ex- tensively, more efficiently, and more ef- fectively than any other country.
But this is not enough. Various branches of science not of immediate military appli- cation are in the long run quite as essential for our progress and our welfare as are those forms of engineering, of physics, and of chemistry that underlie the construction and the use of modern implements of war- fare. These are the many and varied types of pure science, lines of work leading to results seemingly of no importance that all too often are regarded merely as a form of mental exercise undertaken solely for the personal satisfaction and gratification of the person concerned. What we call pure sci- ence is simply a branch of science for which no economic application has as yet been found. But at any time a body of uncoordi- nated facts may suddenly and unexpectedly
Fes. 15, 1942
fit into an integrated whole, to our great advantage. Without its advance fringe of competent workers in pure science con- stantly probing the great unknown and accumulating masses of data with no ap- parent immediate application, the broader aspects of scientific progress soon would languish, and we would eventually lose heavily. Pure science is likely to suffer se- verely in times like the present—in times when it would seem to be the wisest course to give it the maximum encouragement.
Recently I have received, passed by the German censor and wrapped in several unfolded signatures of an edition of Horace, an elaborate memoir on the Isopoda, a group of wretched little crustaceans com- monly called wood-lice or sow-bugs. The last publication received by the National Museum Library from the Institute of Scientific Research, Manchukuo, was de- voted to a detailed account of the butter- flies of Yablonya, Pin-chiang Province. Evi- dently the Germans and the Japanese con- sider it worth while to encourage work in lines of pure science apparently quite un- connected with military affairs. If it is worth while for them—and we must admit that both nations are military-minded— why is it not worth while for us?
In Germany and in Japan things are done in ways that are not practicable with us. If Der Fuhrer considers the detailed study of wood-lice worth while from the point of view of furthering the Nazi aims, wood-lice will be studied, and the people will accept as of value to themselves, even if they do not applaud, the results of the studies. In Japan, science has been brought to high popular favor in the past 40 years through the example and excellent leader- ship of a group of powerful and highly re- spected noblemen, and a number of these noblemen, including some members of the Imperial Family and the grandson of the last Shogun, are enthusiastic entomologists.
There is a natural tendency to say, ‘Well, if the Germans and the Japanese choose to squander their slender resources by sup- porting and publishing trivialities of this sort, let them go ahead and do it.’”’ But let us look at the matter from a different view-
CLARK: SCIENCE AND WAR 35
point. In the future, if any American student wishes to study the Isopoda of the Philip- pines and the Netherlands East Indies, he must base his work on the memoir referred to, and in the same way students of the butterflies of eastern Asia must follow the Japanese lead. No scientific man objects to working with his colleagues in any country. To that extent science is international. What patriotic scientific men do object to is the possibility of having in the future to play second fiddle to scientific men in other lands, not because they are in any way inferior, but because they were unable to carry on their work.
In this country we do not have a Fiihrer who can dictate what science may or may not do, and we do not want one. Neither do we have a group of powerful noblemen to chart a course for us. We do not want them either. At the same time, we have no desire to be outdone by countries domi- nated by these human phenomena.
In this country, progress in any line of science is mainly dependent upon the will- ingness of the people to support work in that particular line which, in turn, is de- pendent upon popular interest and appreci- ation.
We have among us at the present time very many people who are by no means science-minded. Their attitude varies all the way from passive superciliousness to outspoken hostility. Not a few go so far as to say that science is the cause of the present war, such people being the spiritual descendents of those who, a little over a hundred years ago, tried to suppress the friction match on the ground that it would stimulate the activity of fire-bugs. Many in our country districts have their own pecul- iar ideas about the moon and stars, ideas in regard to which they are exceedingly sensitive, while in the cities many are very supercilious regarding the value of ento- mology except, perhaps, when it comes to discouraging the activities of bed bugs.
We who are engaged in scientific work, and who understand its importance in the general complex of present-day human af- fairs, often fail to realize how recently science has been able more or less success-
36 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
fully to overcome various forms of popular prejudice and to secure the favor of a very large section of the general public.
The present popular attitude toward sci- ence can not properly be understood with- out some knowledge of the public attitude in the more or less recent past. I propose therefore to digress for a moment in order to indicate briefly the changes that have taken place here and in England since the early days of the settlement of the country. At that time, in the reign of Queen Eliza- beth, Galileo was still a student at the University of Pisa, Tycho Brahe had just completed his observatory, and Paracelsus and Agricola only recently had died. In those days science was almost wholly in- cluded in the subject of theology, and scientific work was restricted within narrow bounds by the dogmas of the theologians. In the words of the Marquess of Salisbury science was “the knowledge gained not by external observation, but by mere reflection. The student’s microscope was turned in- ward upon the recesses of his own brain; and when the supply of facts and realities failed, as it very speedily did, the scientific imagination was not wanting to furnish to successive generations an interminable series of conflicting speculations.”
For some time there had been a growing restiveness against the restrictions placed on scientific investigations by the theo- logians. This restiveness began to take the form of concerted action in the first half of the seventeenth century. As early as the reign of Charles I, about 1645, there ex- isted in England an organization referred to by the Hon. Robert Boyle, seventh son of the first Earl of Cork, as the “Invisible College.’ This “‘Invisible College’’ was first suggested by Theodor Haak (or Hank), a German from the Palatinate, then resident in London. It consisted of weekly meetings at which the results of experimental work in philosophy, in its broad sense, were dis- cussed. This was rather an unorthodox procedure for the time, but those who attended the meetings were among the ablest men of England, and included theo- logians as well as others. One of the theo- logians was Dr. John Wilkins, afterward
VOL. 32, NO. 2
Bishop of Chester, who had married Rob- ena, sister of Oliver Cromwell. Another participant was Sir Christopher Wren, who later laid down the plan for the College of William and Mary.
According to Dr. Cromwell Mortimer, ‘had not the Civil Wars happily ended as they did, Mr. Boyle and Dr. Wilkins, with several other learned men, would have left England, and, out of esteem for the most excellent and valuable Governor, John Winthrop the younger, would have retir’d to his new-born Colony [Connecticut] and there have established that Society for pro- moting Natural Knowledge, which those Gentlemen had formed, as it were, in Embryo among themselves.”’
Emigration to America was, however, forestalled. On November 28, 1660, the “Invisible College’? became visible as ‘“The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge.’ On the Wednesday following, word was brought that King Charles II approved the design of the meetings; in October, 1661, the King offered to be entered one of the Society; and in the next year the Society was incorporated un- der the name of the Royal Society, the first charter of incorporation passing the Great Seal on July 15, 1662.
Although the Royal Society remained in England, both the College of William and Mary and Harvard College received con- siderable amounts of money from the estate of the Hon. Mr. Boyle after his death in January 1691-92.
Science now began to assume a new aspect. Charles II had in effect declared that there is nothing irreligious in reporting facts. So records of observed facts and their interpretation in the light of other facts began to supersede introspection in which the aid of facts was regarded as super- fluous, combined with interminable com- mentaries on the works of Aristotle.
Following the Restoration, science in England became largely an occupation of the aristocratic and the wealthy and for the most part was followed along lines that had little or no economic application. In the public mind it came to be identified more or less completely with the aristocracy
Fes. 15, 1942
and to be regarded as partaking of the same aloofness from the general run of human affairs that characterized the social life of the upper classes. The natural result of this was that when, in the Victorian era, the champions of the lower classes began to gain a considerable following, they, or at least many of them, attacked science as one of the perquisites of the aristocracy. This attitude is well illustrated by Charles Dickens’s ‘‘Mudfog Papers’ published on the occasion of the first meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science.
Since that time science in England gradu- ally has come more and more into popular favor. Applied science has made rapid strides and is now quite as fully developed and as highly regarded as it is in any other land. The rise in the prestige of applied science, however, has not been accompanied by any noticeable decline in the popularity of pure science, so that here we find the two types advancing side by side inmore or less ideal balance. But, unfortunately, science in England still does not have the complete confidence of the public, and is not by any means free from neglect, dis- paragement, or even attack in the popular press.
In this country the history of science has been somewhat different. In early colonial times scientific effort was devoted mainly to making known the natural resources of the new land, particularly the plant and animal life. But applied science early at- tracted the attention of the colonists. In 1612 John Rolfe perfected a method of cur- ing tobacco so that it would reach England in good condition, and as early as 1617 Sam- uel Argall wrote that “ground wore out with maize will bring English grain.”
In later colonial times applied science, especially in certain engineering branches, was systematically discouraged in the fear that the colonies might become competitors of the mother country in the production of manufactured goods.
It was possibly partly as a reaction from this suppression that after the Revolution science stood high in the favor of the repre- sentatives of the American people, its most
CLARK: SCIENCE AND WAR 37
insistent and powerful advocates being Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, and John Adams of Massachusetts. But it was some time before the new country was sufficiently well organized to enable the people to devote much thought to science. When they did, a spontaneous interest, taking various strange and crude forms, appeared, par- ticularly in the agricultural areas. This crude popular science—and pseudoscience —gradually became amalgamated with the more orthodox science of the schools and colleges, and we note, especially after the middle of the last century, an enormous ex- pansion of applied science in all forms, later very largely supported by Federal and State appropriations made possible by active and widespread interest among all the different groups in our population.
In this country popular interest in science is twofold, arising both from the vista of economic betterment resulting from applied science, and from its appeal to the imagina- tion. We all like to look forward to the day when we shall be even more comfortable than we are now. But we all have a non- material side. We like to get away from the hard realities of every-day life and to con- template the unknown, and beyond that the unknowable. We all would like to know more about the world we live in. What would we find a few hundred miles down in the earth, or 20,000 feet below the sur- face of the sea? We would like to know more about the stars; are there any other worlds like ours? And what is it like in interstellar space? We would like to know more about ultimate human origins—indeed, about very many things concerning which our present information is vague and fragmentary. Now although popular interest in science is more general and more widespread in this coun- try than it is in any other, it tends to gravi- tate in these two directions, toward the directly economic and toward the mysteri- ous. Between these two extremes lies a broad intermediate field in which our people as a whole take little interest, but which is intensively cultivated elsewhere. This is the descriptive branch of pure science, the results of which are of no immediate eco-
38 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
nomic import and are not mysterious.
Popular interest in science must not only be maintained, it must be increased if we are to hold our own in the years to come, for whether carried on under Government support or in endowed institutions of learn- ing, the full development of our scientific potentialities is dependent upon a sympa- thetic public attitude. In order to secure, to maintain, and to increase public interest in and sympathy toward scientific work, and to convert the still disconcertingly numer- ous unbelievers, it is essential that we con- tinually provide the public with news re- garding scientific progress in all lines of interest to them, from both the material and non-material or philosophical view- points. Such impersonal news is especially desirable in times of national emergency, when it can be made to serve as a welcome relief from distressing accounts of mortal combat.
Fortunately in this respect we are in an excellent position. More and better science is carried in our daily press and other journals than in those of any other country, and science is less frequently disparaged and denounced here than elsewhere. There is still room for improvement, but never- theless conditions are reasonably satis- factory. For this we have chiefly to thank the National Association of Science Writers the members of which, in addition to know- ing science, know the public mind and are able to present the advances in science in terms everyone can understand. We are fortunate in having among the members of the Academy two of the outstanding mem- bers of this Association, Mr. Thomas R. Henry of the Evening Star (a past president) and Dr. Frank Thone of Science Service.
Publicity for science is not of direct con- cern to the Academy, but I wish to bring to your attention the vital importance of this aspect of scientific activity—for sales- manship is as important for science as it is for everything else—and to urge you all to do everything you can to help in this es- sential work.
Progress in science is possible only with the support of an interested and apprecia- tive public. It is also possible only through
VOL. 32, NO. 2
the efforts of a carefully selected and ade- quately trained personnel. This is a matter that heretofore scarcely has received the attention it deserves.
At the present time a very serious danger to our continued progress in science has arisen. This is the induction into the Army of many young men who would be of vastly greater value to the country if they were permitted to continue their studies, or to remain in research positions. The matter is further complicated by the fact that as a rule the most valuable of these young men are those most likely to enlist on their own initiative.
After the last war there was a marked scarcity of able young scientific men. This was most noticeable, perhaps, in the bio- logical sciences, though it was more or less noticeable in other branches as well. Many promising young men were killed. Others, as a result of several years spent in the various armies, found themselves unable to make the necessary readjustment to scien- tific work. Still others tried to readjust themselves but were only partially success- ful. Breaking the thread of continuity of effort between the impressionable boy in the formative period and the mature man can not but result in a certain amount of dislocation. We are reminded of the old Berber proverb—
Teaching boys is like ploughing earth, Teaching men is like ploughing rock, Teaching old men is like ploughing water.
There are two ways out of this dilemma. Either the student may be placed on a de- ferred list so that he may be enabled to con- tinue his studies uninterruptedly, or he may be assisted in carrying on his work, to what- ever degree may be found practicable, while in the service.
Many young botanists and zoologists would welcome an opportunity for collect- ing specimens and continuing their studies in regions new and strange to them. Such material as they collected could be sent home to be identified, or to be stored until their arrival. Activities of this nature car- ried on in their spare hours would go far toward overcoming that feeling of bore-
Fes. 15, 1942
dom that afflicts almost everyone stationed at an isolated army post or naval base, and there is no reason to believe that these ac- tivities would in any way detract from their military efficiency.
It is not assumed that anything of this sort would be practicable with an army in the field, on ships at sea, or at certain naval bases. But there are numerous places where the men of our armed forces will be stationed with nothing but monotonous routine to occupy their minds and where such recreation would be both practicable and welcome. |
Not only would this work benefit the men engaged in it; it would also go far to- ward filling many gaps in our knowledge of the distribution of animals and plants, and of other features connected with them, and I am sure that the curators of most of our larger museums and herbaria would be glad to cooperate and to encourage most cheer- fully the young men concerned. By such sympathetic assistance and encouragement the morale of many young men could be maintained, and the gap in the continuity of their work in their chosen field largely filled in.
In army posts and naval bases a young zoologist or botanist who spends his spare time catching insects or pressing plants will at first be an object of ridicule to his as- sociates, both officers and men. His situa- tion, however, is by no means without precedent—and most honorable precedent. It may comfort him to realize that the world’s leading authority on the Hesperi- idae, a peculiarly difficult group of butter- flies especially characteristic of America, is Brigadier General William H. Evans of the Royal Engineers, while in the Royal Navy Rear Admiral Hubert Lynes is the leading authority on a very puzzling group of small African birds. Some time ago the collections of the British Museum were en- riched by a fine collection of butterflies presented by Captain Lord Byron.
There are many military men, now as well as in the past, who have, or have had, biology as a hobby and have made notable contributions to the subject. In our own Army I may mention Colonel Thomas L.
CLARK: SCIENCE AND WAR 39
Casey, Colonel Wirt Robinson, Colonel Martin L. Crimmins, and Lieutenant Colo- nel Edgar A. Mearns, and there are many others. Looking at the matter in a more frivolous light, is a young man using his spare time to continue his studies, and at the same time to advance our knowledge of animals and plants, any more ridiculous than an ancient tough old sea-dog in the forecastle engaged in fine embroidery work with delicately colored silks, to the accom- paniment of blood-curdling oaths?
A vast amount of such work has been done by the personnel of foreign armies and navies in the past, particularly by officers in the British services. In fact, at one time our own Navy assigned interested young officers to the Smithsonian Institution for instruction in the collection and preserva- tion of material. One of these young officers especially, Lieutenant William E. Safford, subsequently made notable contributions to the collections of the Institution. I see no reason why, in the interest of the mainte- nance of morale and of scientific progress, this procedure can not be revived and ex- tended to the enlisted personnel.
Whether in its material or in its non- material aspects, progress in science is de- pendent upon the fostering of the scientific spirit. The scientific spirit is more than mere curiosity. It is an insatiable curiosity that impels one to learn everything that is known about a given subject, and then to go further and broaden and extend that knowledge by personal investigation and research, in spite of all difficulties and dis- couragements—and these are always many.
The spirit of science is inborn, though it may appear in anybody, anywhere, in any class, or group, or race. We are fortunate in having a population in which the scientific spirit is widespread, though we have not always encouraged it as perhaps we should have done. We have encouraged it mainly in our graduate schools, and in them chiefly when it was directed toward some objective of more or less immediate economic interest.
In order to develop the scientific spirit to the maximum, as it must be developed if we are to hold our place in the world of the future, we must watch for it at its in-
40 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
ception, and whenever and wherever it is found encourage it. In the British Navy the average age of an officer at the time of entering the service is 125 years. By the time a young man has attained the grade of ensign his whole outlook on life has been aligned with the Navy tradition. Something comparable to this is needed in science. Naturally, many of the boys and girls who are enthusiastic about science in their school days later devote themselves to other lines of activity. But the time and energy spent in encouraging these will be more than repaid by the superior excellence of those who finally take up science as their life work. Besides, those who, interested in science in early youth, later enter some other field of activity will form the nucleus of a sympathetic background for those who make of science their career.
Here we find a real opportunity for serv- ice on the part of the Academy. Some means should be devised whereby all the children in the local schools showing a spe- cial aptitude for science may be watched and their progress followed. If they show exceptional promise they should be en-
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couraged and, if necessary, assisted in com- pleting their education in the most ad- vanced of our graduate schools. Already some of the State academies of science are performing this service to their communi- ties through junior academies of science, or through various science clubs, or through both combined. Why should the Washing- ton Academy of Sciences not undertake it?
We are facing a long war, and a very serious war, a war that, to a far greater ex- tent than any previous war, will be fought on two fronts, in the field of arms and in the laboratory. Our enemies understand this thoroughly and are acting accordingly. We are building a military machine of sur- passing power and efficiency. We must at the same time build up a scientific personnel of corresponding power, efficiency, and morale, reinforced by a continuous and adequate flow of highly trained and thor- oughly competent replacements able to carry on successfully after the military phase of the struggle is ended. I ask you all, and each of you individually, to do all in your power toward making our scientific front invincible.
PHYSICS.—A review of the methods for the absolute determination of the ohm.} Harvey L. Curtis, National Bureau of Standards.
It is nearly half a century since the criti- cal review of Dorn? on the absolute deter- minations of the ohm was published. In that review, the methods then available were discussed and the results which had been obtained were analyzed. Since then the number of available methods has con- siderably increased, principally by the in- troduction of those that employ alternating currents. Some of the older methods, how- ever, are still very important, so that a complete review has been undertaken of all the determinations that have been made.
The resistance of a conductor is, by Ohm’s law, the ratio of the potential difference at its terminals to the continuous current through it. If both the potential difference
1 Received October 11, 1941. 2 On the apparent value of the ohm. Wiss. Abh. PYLE 22257. 1895,
and current are measured in terms of length, mass, time, and the permeability of a me- dium, the value of the resistance is in abso- lute units. However, most methods for the absolute determination of resistance avoid the direct measurement of either the poten- tial difference or the current, since only the ratio of these quantities is required. In many methods there is an induced electro- motive force that can be computed from the electromagnetic equations, and the current can be determined from its mechanical ef- fects. In such cases the equations for deter- mining the electromotive force and current can often be so combined that the resistance of a circuit, or of a portion of one, can be ob- tained without measuring either a current or potential difference.
The various methods that have been used are classified in Chart I. Following each
Fes. 15, 1942
specific method there is given in the chart the name of the man who proposed it. In addi- tion to the chart a brief description is given of each method listed therein. Also there is usually given for each method an estimate of the accuracy that can be obtained by its use.
Cuart I: A CLASSIFICATION OF THE
Meruops ror ABSOLUTE MEASURE-
MENT OF THE OHM?
A. Calorimetric method (Joule). B. Methods involving an induced electro- motive force. I. Relative motion of a coil and magnet. 1. Damping of a magnet (W. Weber). 2. Rotation of a magnet (Lippman). 3. Dropping of a magnet (Mengarine).
II. Rotation of a coil in the earth’s mag- netic field (the earth inductor). 1. Earth inductor with rotation through 180° (W. Weber). 2. Earth inductor with uniform rota- tion.
a. Earth inductor with separate tangent galvanometer (W. Weber).
b. Combined earth inductor and tangent galvanometer (the re- volving coil of the B.A. Com- mittee) (Lord Kelvin).
III. Nonuniform motion of a conductor in the magnetic field of a current. 1. Damping of a vibrating coil (Net- tleton and Lewellyn). 2. Displacement of a coil (Kirchhoff).
IV. Uniform motion of a conductor in the
CURTIS: ABSOLUTE DETERMINATION OF THE OHM 41
magnetic field of a current (genera- tor with air-cored magnets). 1. Commutating generator. a. Average value of generated elec- tromotive force (Rosa). — b. Maximum value of generated electromotive force (Lippman). 2. Homopolar generator (Lorenz ap- paratus) (Lorenz).
V. Varying currents in a mutual induc- tance. 1. Transient currents (Rowland). 2. Commutated currents.
a. Sudden reversal of current (Roiti).
b. Step-by-step reversal of current (Wenner).
3. Sinusoidal currents.
a. Intermediary capacitance (Campbell).
b. Two mutual inductances (Camp- bell). -
c. Two-phase measured currents (Campbell).
d. Two mutual inductances with two-phase balanced currents (Wenner).
VI. Varying currents in a self inductance. 1. Transient currents (Maxwell). 2. Commutated currents (Curtis). 3. Sinusoidal currents.
a. Intermediary capacitance cali- brated by a commutator bridge (Rosa).
b. Intermediary capacitance cali- brated by a resonance bridge (Griineisen and Giebe).
A. CALORIMETRIC METHOD (JOULE)
The calorimetric method of determining the ohm was of great importance during the early days of absolute measurements, since the electromagnetic laws involved are very different from those used in any other method. It requires not only a determina-
3'This chart is slightly modified from the one given in the book by the author on Electrical
measurements, McGraw-Hill Book Co. In the
book a few methods are discussed in considerable detail.
tion of the heat generated by a current in a resistance, but also some measurement that will give the value of the current in absolute units. This measurement of current can be made with greater accuracy than a strictly mechanical determination of the mechan- ical equivalent of heat. Hence this method has generally been used to determine the mechanical equivalent of heat in terms of the electrical units of resistance and current.
42 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
VOL. 32, NO. 2
B. METHODS INVOLVING AN INDUCED ELECTROMOTIVE FORCE
The methods of determining resistance that involve an induced electromotive force may be divided into six general classes, de- pending on the method of inducing the elec- tromotive force. Each class may be divided and subdivided according to the type of ap- paratus used.
I. RELATIVE MOTION OF A COIL AND MAGNET
Three methods have been suggested in which an electromotive force is induced by moving a magnet with respect to a coil:
1. Damping of a Magnet (W. Weber)
A small magnet is pivoted or suspended at the center of a coil of wire of known di- mensions, the plane of which is vertical and lies in the direction of the reath’s field. The period and damping of the magnet are ob- served both when the circuit through the coil is open and when it is closed. The dif- ference in damping on open and closed cir- cuits is caused by the reaction on the mag- net of the current in the coil. This in turn depends on the electromotive force induced in the coil by the swinging magnet and on the resistance of its winding. The resistance of the coil is computed from the period and damping of the magnet, and the dimensions of the coil, without determining the induced electromotive force or the current. This method has been successfully used by sev- eral observers, one of whom claims a preci- sion of a part in 10,000.
2. Rotation of a Magnet (Lippman)
The maximum electromotive force in- duced in a coil by the rotation of a magnet is balanced against the drop in potential over a resistance in which there is a known cur- rent. This method seems incapable of giving results of high accuracy.
3. Dropping of a Magnet (Mengarine)
The dropping of a magnet through a coil induces an electromotive force in the coil and the current produced is a function of the resistance. The magnetic field of the
current decreases the acceleration of the magnet. The resistance of the coil can be computed from the mass and strength of the magnet and its change in acceleration to- gether with the dimensions of the coil. While this method has been proposed, it does not appear to be capable of giving precise re- sults.
II. ROTATION OF A COIL IN THE EARTH’S MAGNETIC FIELD (THE EARTH INDUCTOR)
In this class are included the methods in- volving an induced electromotive force that is produced by a coil rotating in the earth’s magnetic field. The rotation may be through 180° only or it may be continuous. Both of these methods have been used by several investigators, each of whom has made some modifications of the original method as pro- posed by W. Weber.
1. Earth Inductor with Rotation through 180° (W. Weber)
The coil of an earth inductor is placed with its plane perpendicular to the horizon- tal component of the earth’s field and sud- denly rotated through 180°. The induced electromotive force causes a ballistic deflec- tion of the needle of a tangent galvanometer to which the coil is connected. The value of the earth’s field does not need to be known if it is the same at the earth inductor and at the galvanometer. The resistance of the cir- cuit which includes the coil and galvanom- eter is computed from their dimensions, and the period and damping of the galvanom- eter magnet.
2. Earth Inductor with Uniform Rotation
The uniform rotation of an earth inductor has two modifications. In one the rotating coil is connected to a tangent galvanometer through a commutator. The galvanometer measures the average value of the induced current. In the other the current induced in the rotating coil is measured by the deflec- tion of a magnet suspended at the center of the coil.
Fes. 15, 1942
a. Earth inductor with tangent galuanom- eter (W. Weber)—When a tangent gal- vanometer is employed with a uniformly ro- tating earth inductor having a commutator the current through the galvanometer does not change direction but varies from zero to a maximum. Consequently the galvanome- ter must measure the average current flow- ing through it. The resistance of the circuit including the rotating coil and galvanometer is determined from the rate of rotation of the coil and the dimensions of the revolving coil and of the coils of the tangent galva- nometer.
b. Combined earth inductor and tangent galvanometer (the revolving coil of the B.A. Committee) (Lord Kelvin).—In_ combining the earth inductor with a galvanometer, a small magnetic needle is suspended at the center of a coil which rotates around a ver- tical axis. The induced electromotive force produced by rotating the coil in the earth’s field causes an alternating current in the coil, which reacts to produce a deflection of the needle. This deflection oscillates slightly but the oscillations are negligibly small if the time of a revolution is much less than the natural period of vibration of the mag- netic needle. Since the current is alternat- ing, its value depends on the inductance of the coil as well as on its resistance.
The rotating coil method as just described was used in 1864 in establishing the B.A. unit, which was subsequently found to dif- fer from the absolute ohm by about 1.5 per cent. Since then much more accurate meas- urements have been made by this method, but in no case has the result been as accu- rate as a part in 10,000.
III. NONUNIFORM MOTION OF A CONDUCTOR IN THE MAGNETIC FIELD OF A CURRENT
This class of methods is similar to the pre- ceding except that a coil carrying a current replaces the magnet.
1. Damping of a Vibrating Coil (Nettleton and Lewellyn) The secondary of a mutual inductor is so
suspended that it can vibrate about an axis of symmetry, the zero position being the
CURTIS: ABSOLUTE DETERMINATION OF THE OHM 43
position for zero mutual inductance. With a steady current in the fixed coil, the period and damping of the vibrating coil, both on open and closed circuit, are measured. Then with this same current in the fixed coil, an- other current having a known ratio to the first is sent through the moving coil produc- ing a measured angular deflection. The mutual inductance is then computed for this angular position of the coils. This gives sufficient data for computing the resistance of the vibrating coil. The method has given results that do not appear to be in error by more than a few parts in 10,000.
2. Displacement of a Coil (Kirchhoff)
A moving coil is connected to a galva- nometer that can be used _ ballistically. There is a known current in a neighboring fixed coil. The moving coil is displaced sud- denly, giving a throw to the moving element of the galvanometer. The resistance of the circuit of which the galvanometer is a part is computed from the current in the station- ary coil, the dimensions of the coils, and the deflection and constants of the galvanom- eter. Kirchhoff displaced the coil by giving it a translation in the direction of its axis but most of the other experimenters have used a rotation.
This is the first method ever used for the absolute measurement of resistance but is now of historical interest only.
IV. UNIFORM MOTION OF A CONDUCTOR IN THE MAGNETIC FIELD OF A CUR- RENT (GENERATOR WITH AIR- CORED MAGNETS)
The electromotive force of a generator, in which the magnetic field is produced by an iron-free coil and in which the armature has a simple geometric form, can be computed from the dimensions of the generator, the rate of motion of the armature, and the cur- rent in the coil. Three methods have been used for determining resistance as the ratio of the induced electromotive force to the current in the coil:
1. Commutating Generator
In the case of the commutating generator, a coil or coils rotate in the magnetic field of
44 JOURNAL OF THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
the generator, producing an alternating electromotive force in the rotating coil. The rotating coil is connected to the outside cir- cuit through a commutator so that in the outside circuit the current does not change direction. The basic principles involved in the commutating generator are excellent, but no satisfactory experimental test of either of the two modifications has been made. Either modification seems suitable for measurements of high precision.
a. Average value of generated electromotive force (Rosa).—If the commutator is of such a type that the connections to the armature are reversed when the electromotive force is zero, the average value of the generated electromotive force must be balanced against the constant drop in potential over a resistance in series with the field coils of the generator. The essential measurements are the dimensions of the coils and the speed of rotation.
b. Maximum value of generated electromo- tive force (Lippman).—This method requires a commutator of such a type that contact is made only when the generated electromo- tive force is a maximum. This maximum electromotive force can be balanced against the drop in potential over a resistance in se- ries with the field coils of the generator. The essential measurements are the same as in the preceding method.
2. Homopolar Generator (Lorenz Apparatus) (Lorenz)
A homopolar generator suitable for meas- uring the absolute value of a resistance is often called a Lorenz apparatus. It consists of an armature in the form of a disk whose axis coincides with the axes of the field coils of the generator. As an example, the disk may be concentric and coaxial with a long solenoid which has an inside diameter larger than that of the disk. When the disk rotates each of its radial elements cuts the magnetic field produced by the current in the solenoid. Hence there is an electromo- tive force between the axis and circum- ference of the disk that can be computed from the dimensions of the disk and sole- noid, the speed of rotation of the disk, and the current in the solenoid. This induced
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electromotive force is balanced against the fall in potential in a resistance which is in